La situation d'urgence est décrétée en Jamaique face au combat

KINGSTON, Jamaïque - Des affrontements ont opposé les forces de sécurité jamaïcaines à des partisans d'un parrain de la drogue lundi pour la deuxième journée consécutive à Kingston, alors qu'une bataille sur plusieurs fronts contre des gangs s'étendait à des bidonvilles à la périphérie de la capitale.
La police a annoncé que deux de ses hommes avaient été tués et six autres blessés depuis dimanche dans des échanges de tirs avec des gangs impliqués dans le trafic de drogue.
Lundi, policiers et soldats ont essuyé de violents tirs dans l'ouest de la ville, où se trouve le bastion de Christopher "Dudus" Coke, qui tente d'échapper à une extradition vers les Etats-Unis pour trafic de drogue et d'armes. Il est présenté comme l'un des parrains de la drogue les plus dangereux au monde par le Département américain de la Justice.
Des hélicoptères militaires survolaient les lieux entre des colonnes de fumée noire.
L'ouest de Kingston est l'épicentre des violences. Mais les forces de sécurité étaient également attaquées dans des zones à l'extérieur des bidonvilles dans la capitale, sur la côte sud-est de la Jamaïque.
Des hommes armés tiraient sur la police en tentant d'ériger des barricades dans un secteur pauvre de la paroisse de Ste-Catherine, près de deux paroisses où le gouvernement a décrété dimanche l'état d'urgence pour un mois.

Mesye ki te toujou pre pou y ap rele trafik dwòg ann AYITI yo.DUDUS ke gouvènman ameriken an ap mande pou li an,se yon sipòtè JLP pati ki sou pouvwa a.BBC di ke misye pwòch GOULDING premye minis JAMAYIK lan.

ESKE ETAZINI ap monte yon operasyon pou y al pran GOULDING?
JLP se pati sant dwat lan!

Ameriken pa jete moun pase yo lan trafik ou byen asosye ak trafik dwòg;yo jis ize bagay sa a kòm pretèks

Kingston, Jamaica. Se pa pou dat vil sa a gen yon renome vyolans. Men fenomèn gang brutal la se yon reaksyon a britalite polisyè avan tou sa te ye. E pi itou, lan eleksyon Jamayik alyans gang ak pati politik se pratik kourant tankou n'ap di. Sitou lan peryod Manley ak Seaga. Seaga an patikilye. Si gen yon chapitr lan istwa Bob Marley & The Wailers ki pa janm "move" mwen pase sa, se te Peace Concert la. Senbolikman se te byen pou vyolans la te sispann men gen politisyen ki te gen lot bizniz pou y'al regle swa sila.

Tande non. Gang Dudus ou Coke la, se yon bagay entènasyonal, e li menm gen chapitr li lan Canada, Toronto espesifikman. Sa se yon pakèt obsèvasyon sou evenman yo ke konpatryot la fè. An atandan demen, m'ap di ke tout sa fè pati de maturite. Jamayiken yo pot grenn toudbon. Apre tou, n'ap viv lan yon mond vyolan, nèspa?

An verite mezanmi, lè m'ap tande Ayisyen ki te skandalize ke yo te kouri bri Aristid te lan drug. Kote nou ye?

An depi de tou, gen mizè, gen krim, men gouvènman Jamayiken fè efor pou
ankadre jenn moun yo, e sa ki gen talan e sa ki renmen tèt yo.

[quote="martine la tourmente"]

An verite mezanmi, lè m'ap tande Ayisyen ki te skandalize ke yo te kouri bri Aristid te lan drug. Kote nou ye?

Wi Martine;

Se te yon matrakaj bagay dwòg sa a te kont ARISTIDE.METROPOLE ak KISKEYA te gen yon ribrik sou zafè dwòg sa a.
Se te chak jou,lè w ale sou sit yo an,yo t ap pale de dwòg.
Apre koudeta a,yo pa t janm mansyone sa ankò!
Kanta la gè gang lan JAMAYIK ,se CIA ki te ame gang pro SEAGA yo,paske yo pa t ka ize bagay klasik yo lanJAMAYIK;tankou LAME pou yo te jete MANLEY ,yo te lage zam bay patizan SEAGA yo pou destabilize gouvènman pwogresis MANLEY an.
De milye de Jamayiken te mouri lan bagay sa a.Gen de moun ki te vote pou mesye SEAGA yo ,jis pou yo genyen la pè.
Bagay sa a vin yon koutim lan JAMAYIK.Depi gen kanpay elektoral;moun mouri pa dizèn,pa santèn

Genyen yon istoryen sosyolog jamayiken ki rele Ainsley Henrikès ki di Christopher Coke pa gen oken akizasyon, ni dosye lan lapolis Jamayik.

Li di se posib ke Coke se enspirasyon dèyè trafik drug, men li pa janm mete men l ladan n. Kife, lapolis pa genyen oken endys pou arete misye.

Se yon fòmil pou revolt paske kijan yon peyi kapab arete e ekstrade yon sitwayen ki pa ofisyèlman vyole lwa peyi l.

Memories of father’s charred corpse haunt fugitive Coke

Greg McArthur
From Wednesday's Globe and Mail Published on Wednesday, May. 26, 2010 10:22PM EDT Last updated on Thursday, May. 27, 2010 7:17AM EDT


Wherever Christopher (Dudus) Coke is hiding in the heavily fortified neighbourhood and fief known as Tivoli Gardens, whether he’s surrounded by armed henchmen, ducking in a crawlspace, or peering from a rooftop at the police officers in flak jackets below, Jamaicans are sure of one thing: He’s thinking of his father’s charred corpse.

The late Lester Coke, who went by the alias Jim Brown, and his Shower Posse gang ruled Tivoli Gardens with an iron fist – along with the steadfast support of then-prime-minister Edward Seaga – throughout the 1980s. But when he was finally arrested in 1992, and set to be extradited to the United States, a bizarre thing happened in his cement jail cell. He burned to death, despite the absence of flammable materials.

Jamaicans have long suspected that Jim Brown was murdered because he knew too much about the ties between Jamaican politics and its criminal underbelly. (As his lawyer said after his death, “If you believe Jim Brown just burned to death by accident ... you’ll believe in the tooth fairy.") His son won’t allow himself to be caught in the same situation, experts say.

“Dudus has never forgotten that incident,” said Richard (Dickie) Crawford, a political analyst and lecturer at the University of the West Indies campus in Mona, Jamaica. “That’s why he’s being so scientific and calculating – to try and protect himself.”

Mr. Coke, the current leader of the Shower Posse and the most wanted man in Jamaica, is said to be a short, serious man who has eschewed the glitz and prominent public profile that so many other “dons” of Jamaica’s ghettos have carefully cultivated.



For four days, Jamaican security forces have inched their way into Tivoli Gardens, a lawless, barricaded slum, where the junior Mr. Coke had ruled with impunity, thanks to his close political connections with the ruling Jamaican Labour Party and its Prime Minister, Bruce Golding.

His firm grasp came to a halt suddenly last week, when the embattled Mr. Golding was forced to order Mr. Coke’s extradition to the United States, which has been seeking to prosecute Mr. Coke on a litany of drug-trafficking offences since August. Mr. Golding had refrained from approving the extradition, ostensibly because U.S. authorities had relied on “illegal wiretaps” to secure Mr. Coke’s criminal indictment. In reality, political observers say, he was indebted to the alleged gangster for votes he guaranteed at election time.

It wasn’t until it emerged that Mr. Golding’s party had paid a U.S. law firm $50,000 to discourage the Obama administration from extraditing Mr. Coke that the Jamaican Prime Minister was forced to apologize to the nation, and finally ordered authorities to sniff him out.

The bloody chaos that has ensued, with reports of 44 civilians killed by gunfire, has put a magnifying glass on the unique system of “client-patron politics” that regularly spawns garrisoned monsters such as Mr. Coke and his father. The birthing of those monsters, experts say, can be traced back to the Cold War.

In the 1970s, then-Jamaican-prime-minister Michael Manley moved his country far to the left, publicly sympathizing with Fidel Castro’s Cuba and openly accusing the United States of trying to undermine Jamaica’s stability.
In a move that mirrored similar operations in Panama and other Latin American countries, U.S. intelligence agencies lent support to emerging right-winger Edward Seaga, then-leader of the Jamaican Labour Party. In a 1977 investigative report, Penthouse magazine, citing U.S. intelligence sources, described how the State Department sought to capitalize on the spreading violence between Mr. Coke’s Shower Posse and the garrisoned neighbourhoods that supported Mr. Manley: “Shipments of guns and sophisticated communication equipment begun to be smuggled into the island. In one shipment alone, which was grabbed by Manley’s security forces, there were 500 submachine guns.”

But after Mr. Seaga’s nine-year stint as prime minister in the 1980s, the U.S. justice system decided that their ally’s enforcer in Tivoli Gardens had become too powerful, as Mr. Coke’s violent network of drug dealers and gun runners boiled over onto U.S. soil. After the elder Mr. Coke’s capture and mysterious death in 1992, the funeral procession numbered in the tens of thousands. Marching next to his casket was Mr. Seaga, who told reporters that the dead man had been “a protector” of the people.

It was U.S. foreign policy that gave rise to the system that propped up the late Mr. Coke and his now fugitive son, said Mr. Crawford, the political analyst. “It is one of the supreme ironies of life, as far as Jamaica is concerned,” he said.

Before he was forced into hiding, the younger Mr. Coke was known to pop his head up for the occasional passa passa, a routine street party featuring popular dancehall music. On paper, his business interests range from construction to the music industry.

You’d be forgiven for thinking that a suspected drug lord with the last name Coke would require no nicknames, but according to the indictment obtained by prosecutors in New York, there are many. In addition to Dudus, he also goes by Presi, General, and Shortman, among others.

Very good article,MARTINE;

Mwen predi menm desten an pou GUY PHILIPPE ak asosye l yo.Yo konnen twòp e yo pa gen okenn itilite ankò pou ""zòt"".
Ayè mwen te tande vwa misye sou youn lan radyo yo.An giz misye mouri poul li ;l ap fè konnen ke li la toujou.N a di m te di nou sa!

Le ayisyen ap pale de vyolans ak dwòg, yo pa gen anyen ki kapab konpare ak jamayiken.
Epi se nou ki gen Minista epi tout move non. Se nou yo rele pi koronpi.

Gen kèlke zane mwen li yon atik kote yon chèf gangster jamaiken te ale lan yon rankont avèk yon chèf gangster italyen pou yo diskite yon zaf7 de teritwa.

Menm la, relasyon blan ak nèg gen patronage.
Lè mafiozo italyen an kòmanse trete misye tankou yon novis komsi italyen pi avanse lan mafia ke jamayiken, misye rale zam li epi li ekzekite youn lan asosye l yo ki te chita lan miting lan.
Italyen an tranble.
Se konsa misye te ranfose pozisyon n lan ran mafiozo lan Florid.

Men suite paj editorial ak comments ki t'ap trete de sujè a. (Antouka mwen pa janm pran gangsters Ayisyen yo oserye. Ce sont de vulgaires amateurs. Même si je ne cautionne pas ce type d'activité. Mais qui suis-je pour les pointer du doigt? Lè n' byen gade, kantite kriminèl ki kontinye ap monte desann avyon, ap mache sou moun.

Lan yon lot sujè ki, mwen te sanble m'ap ranse men se te yon lot ekzanpl ke CIA kontinye ap foure nen'l lan zafè tout ti peyi sa yo e pi yo pa vle pa vle pou aksepte ke yon endividi gen twop pouvwa lan kominote'l ke li onèt ke li se bandi. Sa k'rive la, yo pa ka al fè menm jan ankor lan peyi Amerik Latin yo ankor.

The $50,000 question



National security critic tries to explain
culture that gave rise to drug lord

From Wednesday's Globe and Mail
Published on Thursday, May. 27, 2010 4:15AM EDT

As Jamaican security forces continue to hunt for alleged drug lord Christopher (Dudus) Coke, Peter Bunting, Jamaica’s official opposition critic for national security, has called for an end to the political culture that gave rise to Mr. Coke and his predecessors. He explains to Greg McArthur how his own party, the People’s National Party, has formed regrettable pacts with some of the island’s worst characters in order to secure votes.

How did Christopher Coke come to wield so much power within the government that the ruling party would pay $50,000 to hire lobbyists to persuade the United States to halt his extradition?

I guess that’s the $50,000 question. The Shower Posse has a network into the community. It permeates almost every aspect of life in those communities, and because its been there for so long, it has become the sort of authority – almost a replacement for state authority. The police are essentially excluded from conducting operations within Tivoli Gardens... The Shower Posse dispenses justice within the community. If anyone has an issue with crime, or rape, robbery or murder – they don’t take that to the police for resolution within the justice system. They take it to the “Don”... There has been a real value distortion in those communities over a long time and has brought us to where we are now.

What do you think it was that forced Jamaica’s Prime Minister, Bruce Golding, to turn his back on that allegiance with the Shower Posse?

First of all, there was pressure from the United States for the government to live up to its obligations under its treaties. The opposition did a lot of investigative work to uncover the government’s underhanded attempts to subvert due process, by hiring a lobbyist to get the U.S. government to ... withdraw the extradition, or put it on ice. There was a huge outcry from civil society. For example, the umbrella group of church organizations called for [the Prime Minister’s] resignation.

There was an editorial about you in the Jamaica Gleaner. They wrote that you, “implicitly acknowledged [your] party’s past complicity in this nasty
underbelly of the country’s politics in a parliamentary speech this month, in which [you] pledged the People’s National Party’s disassociation from any alliance, dependency or common cause with organized crime and gang culture.” Has your own party been guilty historically of getting into bed with the wrong people for political purposes?

Yes. That is correct. The truth is that, going back to the late sixties, early seventies, in the Cold War era, the PNP was seen as more of a left, socialist party, and the JLP was seen as a more right, capitalist party. I think people justified associations with gangs in those days as – there was sort of an ideological justification for it. I guess they thought of themselves as freedom fighters, or community defenders.... However, once we moved beyond the decade of the seventies, it quickly deteriorated. Gangs quickly became independent. They got into drug smuggling, gun running. Their sources of income far exceeded whatever support they got from a party – even a party in
government.