Who Wants to Resurrect the "Haitian" Army and Why?

AN INSIDE LOOK AT HAITI’S BUSINESS ELITE
An Interview with Patrick James
http://multinationalmonitor.org/hyper/issues/1995/01/mm0195_10.html


Patrick James is the alias of a U.S. businessperson who previously lived and worked in Haiti. This interview was conducted prior to the negotiated ouster of the illegal Haitian military government and the restoration of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, but it remains relevant and timely for the insights it provides about class divisions, power, exploitation and human rights in Haiti.


Multinational Monitor: How would you characterize the Haitian business class as a community?

Patrick James: The interconnectedness of the Haitian business community is amazing. I worked for a company and the guy right across the hallway from me, one of the partners, was General Cedras’s brother; the other was a European businessman. My company had one partner whose sister is married to the European businessman, who’s in business with Cedras’s brother. The elite are somehow interconnected or related. Basically they have to work together in order to keep their power intact.

You can imagine what kind of pressure that must be when you know that there are six million peasants that basically could rise up and tear your house down some night, which, also, I experienced. I’ve witnessed what they call dechoukage where they just basically firebomb, loot and gut a house. Its a terrifying thing.

This is always in the mind of the elite Haitians. They ride around in their armored vehicles, they have their Uzis in their house. It’s not uncommon to hear machine gun fire when you’re in Port-au-Prince just because there’s a thief trying to break in somewhere. And you’d better believe these rich people have got machine guns. The poorest Haitians cannot rise up. I mean there will not be a revolution in Haiti because you cannot fight these machine guns with sticks and rocks and machetes. There’s only so far you can fight.

MM: Where do the U.S. businesses fit into that whole picture economically and politically? Are they part of that elite?

James: The rich Haitian families basically run their own empires. You have partnerships with American businessmen, European businessmen that are very lucrative because you have a monopoly situation in Haiti. There are only a certain amount of players, and if you can provide something that no one else can provide, you’re in. If you have a sister-in-law that’s, say, from Vietnam or Thailand who has connections who can get you all the rice you want to import, then you’re the guy that owns the rice market in Haiti.


11 Familes run Haiti like a plantation
(See also the "Béké" of Martinique and Guadeloupe - for comparison)

MM: What are the leading empires?

James: There are probably a group of about 30 families, big families. Then, after that, maybe another hundred or two hundred [at the] next level. There aren’t many people, relative to the entire population, running the show. And, let me tell you, the wealth is unbelievable. I know some of these people that send their kids to private schools in Florida and Switzerland, grammar schools where they’re paying $18,000 a year for one child’s tuition. They are multi-, multi-millionaires. They have a monopoly on the situation. They’re maybe importing rice, then they may export coffee or oranges or whatever. And of course they are making their money from the sweat and blood of the poor Haitian, who’s making maybe $20 a month, if he’s lucky.

MM: Have the labor costs been that low for a long time?

James: Always, and the rich plan to keep it that way, that’s how they make their money. Slavery is alive and well in Haiti. That’s what it is, slavery. It’s even worse than slavery, really, because at least with slavery you were offered some fringe benefits, as far as housing. In this situation, you’re offered hard labor and that’s it. If you get enough money to buy a machete so you can chop down a few trees to weave together a hut and pack mud on the side of it, good for you. If not, tough luck. They don’t provide housing, they don’t provide food for these people, they just use them for labor.

The first day I was at my office, one of the Haitian businessmen came in and I said, “I can’t believe how poor these people are.” This guy was one of the elite, light skin, blue eyes, and he said to me: “Oh yeah, we have to keep these people tired and hungry, otherwise they’ll rise up against us.”

MM: Do you think people would rise up if they had more resources?

James: No doubt about it. That’s the thing the [elite] Haitians are so afraid of. When there’s a mob mentality, anything can happen. I remember the night of the coup, I was asleep in bed. At about one o’clock in the morning I heard loud explosions, gunfire, chanting, screaming. I got up and looked out of my bedroom window. I was up on the side of a mountain and I could look down over the whole city. I saw different places on fire and I could tell there was something wrong. So I went outside to ask the night watchman what was going on. He was listening to the radio and said something happened to Aristide. I asked myself, “Am I the good guy or the bad guy?” I didn’t know. I didn’t know if the average Haitian would look at me as a white, a blanc, as the enemy, or if I was just someone that was not involved in the situation so they wouldn’t even bother me. I didn’t know what to do and I heard people chanting, coming up the side of the mountain. I could see different places on fire already on the mountainside.

So I turned around and went back to my house. I went back into my room and packed my backpack and I took the machete from under my bed and I went back outside to the night watchman. I asked him what we should do, and he said he didn’t know. So we hid. It was a bright moonlit night and we hid in the garage. I could see now there was a crowd out in front of the house, probably 200 people, flaming torches and machetes, and of course I start sweating bullets. They started chopping down the fence and the night watchman said, “We have to go out, otherwise they’re going to come in here.” So I just kind of took a deep breath, and the two of us walked into the moonlight and held our machetes. And I just remember looking up and at that point I could hear them yelling “Blancs, blancs, blancs restent ici,” meaning, “Whites stay here, whites live here.” And then, one by one, they started running away.

I spent the next two or three nights crawling around on my hands and knees on the floor listening to bullets whizzing by, and to gunfire.

During one of those days, I went over to a hotel where a bunch of my friends lived. I was sitting on the terrace of the hotel with the owner of the hotel, drinking coffee, talking about the situation, and all of a sudden I hear some screaming and I hear a truck winding up the mountainside. Suddenly, they let the back of the truck down and all the soldiers pile out and start chasing people around the hotel shooting them!

MM: Who were they chasing?

James: Just average Haitians. So the owner of the hotel and I wondered what the hell was going on. The two of us just stood up and went out and stood on the veranda with our hands on our hips watching this. And these guys went around and actually shot people, and went up on the side of the mountain, burned down people’s huts, and basically terrorized people.

MM: Why were they doing that?

James: Just to scare them. To let them know that the military is here; we’re in charge again; the Aristide movement is over; don’t even think about rising up or trying to get any power. What could I do? They acted as if the owner of the hotel and I weren’t even there. I was just a bystander.

MM: You were safe. They weren’t going to attack you?
James: No. At this point I started to realize, well, there’s something going on here that I don’t understand.

MM: What was that?

James: Well, that’s when I realized that the military was on the side of the rich and that, as an American, I had nothing to worry about. And that was the case most of the time in Haiti.



WASHINGTON AND "THE FAMILIES"

MM: Does the U.S. business community fear an uprising?

James: I don’t think the American business community has to worry about it as much, because they have got less to lose, they’ve got a place they can fly away to. It’s the Haitian business community that basically keeps the system in place.

Of course, if you’re an American businessman and you’re offered to become a part of this system where your risks are much lower than they are for the average Haitian businessperson but your profits are equal, of course you’re going to buy into the system. It’s a good deal. In Haiti, I was making about $800,000 or $900,000 a year. I lived in the lap of luxury, with a huge estate with gardens, gardeners, maids, cooks, laundry women. It was a lifestyle that would take me a lot more work to accomplish in the United States.

MM: How profitable are the U.S. companies that have assembly operations in Haiti?

James: These companies benefit from Caribbean Basin Initiative tax incentives for companies that import materials from the United States and then process them in Haiti and send them back. And of course being able to take advantage of the labor costs in Haiti is very advantageous. As far as the profits they take out, I would only be speculating.

The problem for these companies is the political situation and the instability. Companies are not willing to invest a lot in setting up a manufacturing plant in Haiti for the very reason that happened a couple years ago. You have a coup, and all of a sudden you don’t know whether there’s going to be an embargo placed on you or what. If you have orders to fill, people don’t like to hear that you’re in Haiti, because if they’re going to make a contract to sell these certain products, they want to make sure you’re going to be able to deliver. So this is a big problem for Haiti and a big obstacle as far as having any long-term investment in manufacturing.

MM: So most of the foreign investment has been for light assembly that goes in and out?

James: They have made a very low investment because they have portable machinery that they can pack up and pull out any time things start to get a little hot.

The U.S. Agency for International Development [USAID] did a report a few years ago where it talked about the importance of the low wages as a big advantage for U.S. companies. How can you beat $5 a day in wages?

MM: Do you think the U.S. firms feel they have a stake in maintaining that system?

James: I would imagine that there are reasons why the Americans would want to keep that system in place. One being the cost advantage. Another that they provide fruits and other commodities at very low prices. If their wage costs start rising, then the costs of their products are going to start rising and all of a sudden mangoes cost a lot more money in Florida.


MM: Do you think the U.S. government fears a possible uprising?

James: An uprising of the peasant majority? There’s no way that the Haitian peasants can rise up. You have one section of the black population which is now aligned with and making money with the rich. Not much, but more than they could make as a farmer cutting mangoes. So now they have a gun and are in control. They’re making a few bucks. The rich tell them to go out and take down some village, shoot up a couple of people, chop their face off, leave them in the street, and they’ll do it.



MM: How might U.S. intervention work to keep a lid on the situation?

James: Whether or not the United States wants to prevent the Haitian population from rising up, I think they should align themselves, or at least work with, the military. Try to separate the police force from the military so that there is some type of civilian protection. They should try not to go in as the aggressors who are trying to wipe out the military, but to go in and say “we’re here to retrain the army; we’re here to work with the army.”



MM: Did you have a sense of how the U.S. embassy or U.S. business people felt about Aristide’s coming to power, and the whole popular movement?

James: I think there was worry about how far Aristide was pushing, especially for a minimum wage, trying to set up a social security system, things like this.

When Aristide first came in he said, “There’s going to be a mandatory $5 minimum [daily] wage, everybody has got to do it.” It was just so outlandish that nobody even took it seriously. You figure the average Haitian probably makes about 20 dollars a month, so you’re talking about five dollars a week to five dollars a day!

MM: What impact would that have on the way the Haitian economy works?

James: For the average worker, it would have increased their wages, so income would have increased. The effect on the economy would have been inflationary because the businessman is not going to settle for not making enough money. All prices would increase relative to the currency exchange. It would have balanced out ultimately, but the initial impact would have been a strain on the businessman.

MM: What kind of profits do local business people usually make?

James: I would say the average retailer will make something like a 60 percent profit. As far as importing and then distributing, a lot depends on the currency exchange. Right now [during the embargo], profits may be as high as 400 percent — that’s just the law of supply and demand. When you have sanctions that are limiting the supply, of course your prices are going to increase.

So Aristide, I think, had some ideal things he wanted to accomplish, but he just moved too fast. He didn’t consider the establishment that had been in place for 200 years, and out of his frustration he started making very passionate and radical speeches about how to break down the economic system that was in place. And, unfortunately, he pushed too far.



MM: What was the overall business objection to social security?

James: My own personal fear was that I didn’t know how long this government would last, so I didn’t want to start putting money into a fund that could disappear and then wonder who’s getting all the money when the next coup takes place. I told government officials who asked for social security payments that I wasn’t going to pay into it, that I’d rather give my workers extra money every week.



MM: Did many businesses react that way?

James: I think there were probably some that had more pressure on them than I did, especially if they were Haitian run. Because I was an American, because I was white — it sounds pretty arrogant — I could basically call whatever shots I wanted just because of the color of my skin and my eyes. I could say: “No, I’m not doing it.”

MM: Even when it comes to paying a tax?
James: Yes, yes, and I didn’t do it.

Mwen sot li a pati mwa pwochen martelly ap komanse rekrite 500 nouvo esklav de mezon pou kenbe pep ki ap mouri ak kolera ak grangou koloroks nan esklavaj la.Aristide te pè organise yon milis pou te defann pouvwa pep la ,menm apre yo te fout li yon premye kou deta martelly ak boujwasi patripoch la yo menm yo pa pè remete esklave de mezon yo an aktyon pou defann enterè yo.se sak fè se yo ki ap toujou genyen.Jou na konpran ke revolutyon pasifik pa janm fet oken kote e nanpren omlet ki fet san kase ze se lè saa na reyisi delivre pep la anba kolera ,tuberkoloz, malarya, bwè dlo kk e tout misè ki fè ayiti tounen yon lanfer .Nou beswen yon lot Dessalines

Les 500 militaires sont déjà en service parmi eux. Se trouvent des anciens policiers , des anciens militaires et des fapistes .

dapre lojik boujwa patripoch yo yon revolt nouvo esklav yo plis yon danje ke kolera ,grangou kloroks, desertification, erosion,lan mor yon paket moun si yon syklonn pase ak tout lot bagay ki fè ayiti tounen yon lanfè pou 80%popilatyon an.fok yo mete yon lame de esklav de mezon ki pou bat lot esklav yo pou yo rete nan wol yo.e Martelly kom esklav de mezon an chef dakor.anvan menm li te chef deta lè li te nan fraph li te mande pou konpel Michel Francois mete baton nan lenn pep la.Men genyen yon pwoverb ki di bat chen yan men tann met li.Piga jou yon lot Dessalines mande pou boule kay koupe tet nouvo esklavajis yo nou rele anmwee non.sonje sa Bissainthe te di ya :yon jou genyen yon exkli ki pap kouri "jou saaaaaaaa ap genyen rel ka makorel wi.

2001: The Chimères of Washington

"The most determined of these men, with a promise of anonymity, freely
express their desire to see the U.S. military intervene once again, this
time to get rid of Aristide and rebuild the disbanded Haitian
army. "That would be the cleanest solution," said one opposition party
leader. Failing that, they say, the CIA should train and equip Haitian
officers exiled in the neighboring Dominican Republic so they could
stage a comeback themselves".

Washington Post, February 2, 2001 (5 days before Aristide swears in as President)
http://www.webster.edu/~corbetre/haiti-archive/msg10049.html

2003: The Chimères of Ottawa

The meeting, called the “Ottawa Initiative on Haiti,” was held at the governments Meech Lake conference centre in Gatineau, Québec, on January 31 and February 1, 2003, one year before the February 29, 2004 coup d’état.

The extraordinary decisions taken at this gathering of non-Haitians were first leaked to the general public in Michel Vastel’s March 2003 article, published in French-language magazine l’Actualité.

Under the prophetic title “Haiti put under U.N. Tutelage?,” Vastel described how, in the name of a new Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, parliamentarians of former colonial powers invited to Meech Lake by Minister Denis Paradis, decided that Haiti’s democratically-elected president, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, had to be overthrown, a Kosovo-like trusteeship of Haiti implemented before January 1, 2004 while the US- subservient Haitian army, the Forces armées d’Haiti (FAdH), would be reinstated alongside a new police force.

"...De facto Prime Minister Gérard Latortue, who was hand-picked by the U.S. to implement the ICF, promptly began the distribution of $29 million dollars to remobilized soldiers and paramilitaries whom the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) had recruited and trained for the coup over the previous years in neighboring Dominican Republic and whom Latortue dubbed “freedom fighters”. The announcement of special pay to Latortue’s “freedom fighters” was made within days of a December 6, 2004 announcement of new “aid to Haiti” by the Canadian government - see DeWayne Wickham, “Payoffs to Haiti's renegade soldiers won't buy peace,” USA Today (January 3, 2005)..."


"...MINUSTAH serves the role of place holder for the defunct Haitian army (FAdH), the traditional tool by which Haiti’s elites and their foreign allies have kept the “black masses” under control..."

What is Canada Doing in Haiti? - The “Ottawa Initiative on Haiti”: Humanist Peacekeeping or…? by Jean Saint-Vil
http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=13280

Payoffs to Haiti's renegade soldiers won't buy peace
By DeWayne Wickham, 1/3/2005

http://www.usatoday.com/news/opinion/columnist/wickham/2005-01-03-haiti-wickham_x.htm

While the Bush administration wages war against terrorism in Iraq, the government it propped up in Haiti has caved in to the terrorists who've seized control of parts of that impoverished Caribbean island nation.

Last week, Haiti's interim Prime Minister Gerard Latortue began handing out checks to members of his country's former army, a brutal military force that was disbanded in 1995. So far, more than 200 former soldiers have received checks. The money, which the renegade soldiers say is back pay that covers the past 10 years, is actually a thinly veiled blackmail payment.

Latortue agreed to dole out the checks, which are expected to total $29 million, after months of failed attempts to get the renegade soldiers to turn in their weapons. In the year since they led the rebellion that toppled the government of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, Haiti's former soldiers have created what amounts to a shadow government. They hold sway in parts of the country that are beyond the reach of the government and the small United Nations peacekeeping force that keeps it in power.

Last year's rebellion was the second time Haitian soldiers had a hand in removing Aristide from power. Back in 1991, a military coup forced him to flee the country just months after he became Haiti's first democratically elected president. During Aristide's absence, Haiti's army violently suppressed opponents of its power grab.

Aristide dumped army

Aristide cashiered the entire army after he was restored to power in 1995 — replacing it with a lightly armed national police force. The police were no match for the renegade soldier-led rebellion that swept across Haiti a year ago.

Aristide was replaced by Latortue, a Florida resident who was named interim prime minister by a Haitian "council of elders" that the Bush administration was instrumental in cobbling together. Shortly after taking office, Latortue called the rebels "freedom fighters," even though some of their leaders are widely thought to have been part of the death squads that preyed upon Aristide's supporters.

"It just reaffirms the corruption of the nature of puppet government," Bill Fletcher Jr., president of TransAfrica Forum, said of the payment policy. His is a Washington-based group that monitors events in African and Caribbean nations. "Any amount of money is legitimizing their activities when every credible report indicates that these guys are running around the countryside killing people, tracking down Aristide's supporters and driving people underground," Fletcher said.

He makes a good point. According to Amnesty International, the rebel force is led by Guy Philippe, a former army officer who is thought to have been involved in a failed 2000 coup. Other leaders of the rebels include Louis-Jodel Chamblain and Jean Pierre Baptiste, both members of a paramilitary group that is accused of carrying out massacres and assassinations in support of the 1991 coup.

Why compensation?

So what makes these men "freedom fighters" and deserving of compensation for lost work? They got rid of Aristide, a former Catholic priest who was widely backed by the poor to whom he once ministered. But Aristide has been reviled by the country's elite, whose bidding the army has historically done.

In paying off the rebels, Latortue hopes to buy his government some time, if not ultimately peace. He apparently believes that once their pockets are filled with money from Haiti's cash-strapped government, the rebels will lay down their weapons and go home.

That's not likely to happen. Having cajoled Latortue into dipping deep into the national treasury to satisfy their demands, there's little chance that these terrorists will be satisfied. They know that once they give up their weapons — and their control of pockets of Haiti — they will lose their leverage with Latortue's government. Only defiance, not money, will get them to do that.

So far, the Bush administration — Latortue's patron — has not taken a public stand on the Haitian government's attempt to end the insurgency by throwing money at the band of thugs that ousted Aristide and now threatens to undermine his replacement. That's too bad.

Left to his own bad decision-making, Latortue has decided to appease rather than confront Haiti's terrorists.

DeWayne Wickham writes weekly for USA TODAY.

Rozo di: Men genyen yon pwoverb ki di bat chen yan men tann met li.

Rozo boss papa !On est en train de battre ce chien à longueur de journée, et le maître est la regardes et ne dit rien et ne fout rien.
Quand je lui demande s’il ne va pas rouspéter, il m’a sifflé a l’oreille : ne t’en fait pas mon frère, c’est moi qui a donné l’ordre.
Se sa ki rive le yon chyen gen trop met ! Chyen an pa konnen vreman ki yes ki met li!

Il y a un camarade qui a disparu sans laisser de trace parce qu’il voulait traverser » the picket line » et se présenter comme Sénateur aux nouvelles élections.

Quand un crime est commit, parfois le tueur est dans la famille.

jou saaaaaaaa ap genyen rel ka makorel wi.

Se politisyen tet bobech kap di sa pou bay tineg espwa ! Jou saaaaa nou poko jamb we’l petet nou pap jamb we’l !

I am not afraid of an army of lions led by a sheep; I am afraid of an army of sheep led by a lion. Alexandre le Grand.

Se epok Hallowen se vre men fok nou pa koute moun kap vini ak bouillon rechaufe banou avek atik ansyen 2005 pou fe nou pe e krapounnen nou!!
Nou pap jwen we l;armee kwaze zô aa anko!

2011, anpil dlo pase anba pon, pep Ayisyen gwandi e yo konnen gou djol yo. Moun ki pe l'armee se moun ki pa fe tet yo konfyans e ki kwe nan vanjans e non nan jistis!

Kite l'armee aa refome!! Yo merite yon 2ziemm chans!... si yo pa konfome yo e fe travay yo, se pep la kap kwaze yo fwa saaa!

de ki lakyel de lame wap vinn pale moun la ,Haiti te janm genyen lame depi apre endepandans la?se pa yon bann robo esklav de mezon ke yo te bay de twa vye fisi pou kenbe esklav yo nan wol yo.ki jan fè w te genyen yon lame epi yon fregat almand rantre nan rad epi li ba gouvenman yon ultimatum epi nou pa ka koule fregat nou blije peye.Mon chè pale de sa w konnen tande .poukisa Vincent te ba Laraque lod retounen nan kasern o Cap le li te vle anvayi la dominikani ak 2 mill jandam san moyen lojistik.si w pa konn listwa lame e sa yo te konn fè kite moun kite ladann e ki konnen kapasite li diw ke li te manke 12 poul te genyen yon douzenn.nou tankou moun ki pa genyen kay pou nou domi , manje pou nou manje dlo pou nou bwè, medikaman pou trete maleng ki finn ravaje kor nou epi yap charite nou yon ti lajan epi nou koute malandren ki di nou se yon ti colt 38 wi pou achte ak ti lajan saa pou pwoteje tet w kont volè.pitit w met rete san manje ,san ke yo pa ka ale lekol , madanm w met rete ap bwè dlo kk se achte ti colt 38 saa tande.Bandi li ap diw pou w pwoteje tet w kont yo a pè rantre lakay la pou mikrob pa touye yo tankou kolera ap touye pitit w yo.Nou fout mechan e san bon sans.bann robo.yo telman pwograme nou pou nou panse tet en ba nou pa ka menm wè eta nou.Se ban nou lame nou menm si kolera ap ravaje popilatyon ban nou lame nou menm si se dlo kk nap bwè, se ban nou lame nou menm si malad ap mouri nan lopital jeneral paske yo pa ka jwen medikaman, se ban nou lame nou menm si 1/2 milyon ti moun pa ka ale lekol, se ban nou lame nou men si 1 milyon ayisyen pa ka domi anba tant yo lè lapli ap tonbe.menm si peyi ya finn tounen yon desè a koz deforestatyon menm si se mande nap plede mache mande tou patou se ba nou lame nou.Nou fout san wont e san koutya.Bann k lambert.

Pou lagè avèti ka sispann touye kokobe, annou louvri je nou ak zorèy nou byen gran...



see also:

http://www.forumhaiti.com/t13393-lame-zege-pa
LAME ZEGE: Pa!

DEUX MORTS AU COURS DE L'INTERVENTION A LAMENTIN - HPN

http://www.hpnhaiti.com/site/index.php/politique/6235-haiti-armeee2-morts-et-des-blesses-la-base-de-lamenti-aux-mains-de-avec-la-pnh



2 personnes ont été tuées et au moins 4 blessées lors de l'intervention de la police nationale qui a récupéré le camp des militaires démobilisés vendredi soir à Lamentin (Carrefour) ont rapporté des témoins à Haiti Press Network.



Plus de 50 militaires démobilisés ont été arrêtés samedi par la police qui a réussi samedi à s'emparer de la base de Lamentin occupé depuis plusieurs mois par des hommes en uniforme se réclamant de l'ex-FADH. Ils sont placés en détention au Commissariat de Port-au-Prince et à la DCPJ, avons-nous appris.

Selon des témoignages recueillis par un journaliste auprès de parents et proches des victimes, deux personnes ont été tuées par balles lorsque des unités de la police nationale avaient tenté vendredi soir de reprendre le contrôle de la base.

Des membres de la population de Carrefour qui soutiennent les ex-militaires avaient lancé des jets de pierre contre les policiers et un agent de la Brigade d'intervetion motorisée (BIM) avait été désarmé par des inconnus.

Les policiers avaient alors utilisé des gaz lacrymogènes et ouvert le feu faisant au moins 2 morts et 4 blessés.

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ZERO MORTS LORS DES DIFFÉRENTES INTERVENTIONS POLICIÈRES DU 18 mai 2012 - Ministère de la Communication

Une note de presse émanant du ministère de la communication, relative au déchoukaj des faux anciens militaires

EVACUATION DES CAMPS OCCUPES PAR LES GROUPES SE RECLAMANT DES MILITAIRES DEMOBILISES

Le Ministère de la Communcation informe que suite aux graves évênements survenus à Port-au-Prince le 18 mai dernier relatifs à une tentative de certains individus armés se reclamant des militaires dém...obiliseés , d’investir le Palais , le Gouvernement de la Rèpublique a donné l’ordre à la Force Publique de libérer les camps occupés par ces derniers. Aucune victime n’a été enregistrée au cours des operations de déguerpissement.Toutefois plusieurs interpellations ont eu lieu et la plupart des meneurs des groupes armés sont activement recherchés.

Dans la matinée du Samedii 19 Mai 2012, les troupes reguliéres de la PNH , ont fait partir les occupants de Lamentin et repoussé les assaillants de Bon Repos sans occasioner aucun mort. Des bouteilles destinées a des cocktails molotovs et une arme de gros calibre ont eété saisies dans le camp du Cap Haitien. Dans l’apres-midi du Dimanche 20 Mai, le camp de Peligre dans le Centre a été aussi évacué.

Le Gouvernement de la République profite de l’occasion pour féliciter la PNH et informer qu’un bureau de référence a ete mis en place en urgence a Noailles dans la region de Croix des Bouquets afin de recueillir les doleances de toute personne qui voudrait temoigner sur le traitement et la vie dans ces camps improvisés , selon le Ministere de la Communication .

FIN

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Gen omwens yon sous k ap bay manti la a....Ki lès ladan yo? Kisa ki verite nan tout koze sa yo?

Mezanmi! ...M ap mande eske Roseau li sa li ekri anvan ke l poste yo. Li ap pran pòz ke se "ti pèp" l ap defann pandan ke sa li ekri yo montre kareman ke se zafè papa lyon Tabarre lan ke l ap jere.

Ti nèg refize ke yo remete lame an sou pye l paske yo te konn swadizan vyole dwa pèp lan, malgre ke konstitisyon an rekonèt enstitisyon an. Men, an menm tan, y ap mande pou ki rezon ke ansyen diktatè sanginè lavalas lan pa t mete sou pye yon milis ki pou rele "viv papa Aristide" tout jounen, kòm si li pa t fè sa deja, pandan ke konstitisyon an pa rekonèt bagay konsa.

Se kòmsi ke yo bliye ki sa ke milis fè pèp lan deja. Fanatik milis yo, mwen genyen yon kesyon pou nou: DEPI KI Lè KE MILIS TE KONN PWOTEJE DWA PèP AYISYEN? Men se aba lame, viv milis pou pwoteje pouvwa nou pou n ka vòlò ak touye moun jan nou vle. Donk, pou Roseau ak rès konniflèt tatawèl li yo, se pa lide vyole dwa, kraze zo, ak touye moun nan ki pa bon. Yo jis vle ke se yo ki dwe fè sa. Se pa pou sa chanjeman ke y ap goumen, yo jis vle pran plas lòt moun.

Si agiman nou kont lame an se vyolasyon dwa moun, ki agiman nou pou milis lan? Eske se pou pwoteje atik ke "leu prezudan è eli pou 5 lane an jan mwen mansyone anlè an?

Yon lòt kote, ti nèg ap di w ke pa t janm genyen lame paske sesi oubyen sela te rive. Sa se agiman ki pi kwochi ke m janm tande nan yon diskisyon kont oubyen pou yon lame. Si peyi an pa t janm genyen lame depi apre 1804, se pou yo di moun ki lòt enstitisyon ke Ayiti te genyen? Twin Towers tonbe, kote FBI? JFK mouri, kote Secret Service? Yo pann Sadam, kote lame Irakyèn nan? Mi Berlin an tonbe, kote lame tou pwisan Russe lan?

Se pa paske kay an tòl lan ka twonpe solèy men li pa ka twonpe lapli ki fè ke pou malere pa kouvri ti tonèl yo.

Maladi ke nou genyen an, se pa li ke nou di dòk lan li. Se ògèy k ap touye nou, si idòl nou an te kraze yon bagay, pèsòn moun pa dwe kont sa, malgre ke li nan konstitisyon an. Si se pèp ke nou t ap defann vre, se pa kantik sanzave ke yo bay pou Aristide lan ke nou ta ap kontinye ap resite nan zòrèy moun.

Tout se ""krèk ti bèt"" pou m itilize ekspresyon zòt.Se lè MATELI a resisite LAME sa a m a kwè.Pou ki sa li ta fè l?
Omwens li ta yon enbesil.
MATELI gen yon kontwòl preske total sou LA POLIS lan .Li gen dwa revoke nenpòt moun lan YERACHI an lè li vle ;alòs pa gen moun ki gen kontwòl sou LAME an ,jan KONSTITISYON an ye jan li ye an.
Mwen te deja di l ,sou sit sa a an 2006.Mwen te di tout nèg ki ap fè kanpay e ap di ke y ap remete LAME an sou pye ;tout se lan bouch.
Ki t se te MANIGAT ,Ki t se te K-PLIM ,tout se te pawòl lan bouch ;mesye sa yo lè y ap pale antre yo dwe di ke ARISTIDE te rann yo yon sèvis.
Se menm jan ak politisyen KOSTARIKEN yo ;a dwat e a goch ,depi w pale yo de bagay LAME an ;yo di yo pa ladan l.Yo di l pou tout moun tande ,tandis ke politisyen AYISYEN yo dwe di l anba chal.

Agiman saa mwen te itilize l deja depi an 2004 nan yon diskisyon mwen t ap fè ak yon asyen patisipan sou OPL ak Lavalas.org.

Menm jan ak anpil lòt nan nou, misye te vle fè m konprann ke mwen bezwen genyen lame pou te ka domestike l pou m ka bay koudeta ak kenbe "esklav" yo nan lesklavaj.

Men, mwen te fè l konnen ke domestik pou domestik, lapolis pi fasil pou l koube anba foli ti nèg ke lame an, paske yo ka nome e revoke moun ke yo vle ladann, men yo pa ka fè sa ak lame an. Sa vle di ke w ka mete plis "restavèk" nan plas ki kle yo nan lapolis menm jan ke diktatè lavalas lan te fè depi kreyasyon PNH lan. Yo nonmen moun komisè polis a 10 zè nan maten epi nonmen menm moun saa DG a 4 trè nan apre midi menm jou an.

Anplis, mwen te fè l remake tou ke se yon moun sòt sèlman ki pou ta bezwen tout yon lame pou l ta fè yon ti diktatè vole gagè. Fevriye 2004 se prèv ki pi resan laa ki ka pwouve sa ke mwen di an. Okontrè, an Fevriye 2004, menm moun ki te kraze lame an pa konnen kisa pou l ta bay nan moman saa pou l te jwenn menm yon ti divizyon militè. Li te manje tout dwèt pous li rive jis nan zo radius li.

Jan de agiman tankou yon Ayisyen pa p janm ka fè yon bon militè pou sèvi peyi l menm jan ak tout lòt militè nan lòt peyi, fè m sonje ke se jis an 1942 ke gouvènman Ameriken an te kite ti nèg tèt grenn opere tank militè. Jan de agiman sa yo se ensilt yo ye pout tout pèp Ayisyen an.

Pawol tafya ka twonpe moun ki abitye nan lojik di amèn devan sila yo ki di: "kwè sa m di ou, pa kwè sa ou wè!".

Lame restavèk CIA a pa bezwen pyès moun fè biyografi pou li, tout mak krim li yo byen fre sou po AYISYEN ESKLIZIVMAN. Nan yon kontèks kote se Hillary Clinton k ap nonmen prezidan, Bill Clinton k ap nonmen premye minis nan peyi nou, ki moun byen nan tèt ki ka kwè, yon lame yo ta mete kanpe Ayiti jounen jodi a, pa ta p yon rezirèksyon menm sanginè dan pouri ki gen fos sou bannan mi yo?

Blan Meriken Parrick James byen esplike ou sou ki baz salopri yo t ap opere. Se yon tristès pou nou wè ki jan pitit ansyen kriminèl sa yo, ki jwenn opotinite grandi nan lot tan, lot espas, lot sikonstans, pa ka reve pi lwen pase limit rèv papa yo te fè pou li vin "komandè bitasyon".

Ansyen prezidan ki te twO vètikal, twO nèg (yo te konn rele l "gwo dyOl" - kOmsi se yon jouman!), fenk pibliye yon liv ki ka ede anpil zonbi goute sèl.

Doktè a raple nou, kijan atik 4 "Code Noir" blan malad nan tèt yo te pibliye nan ane 1685 lan te dekrete: "si ou pa katolik women ou pa ka pran grad chèf esklav".

Kidonk, pou ou pran grad nan lame zege anti-Ayisyen an, neyokolon yo ap toujou ekzije ou batize nan relijyon zonbi. GNBis FRAPHis elatriye.

LAME SE FATRA!

Ala traka!
Komsi ,si LAME sa a te la Preval t ap fini premye manda l lan ;ale wè pou ARISTIDE ta menm tounen sou pouvwa a?
Menm si pa mirak ,ak prezans LAME an ,li ta tounen depi premye manifestasyon yo ta kòmanse an 2001;yo t ap jete ARISTIDE.
Depi vagabon t ap kòmanse ap monte sou RADYO pou kòmanse imajine VYOLASYON KONSTITISYON ;se t ap ADYÒS LA KASTWÒL;otomatikman se t ap ""koreksyon demokratik"".

Mwen m ap di se ke lè MATELI ap refè LAME sa a m a kwè.Dapre mwen l ap fout tout anbakòd anvan l ta refè LAME sa a.Sòf si li ta pi enbesil ke mwen kwè l lan.

Ti nèg kontinye ak tchimen, men youn pa ka di ki enstitisyon nan peyi an ki pa fatra. Alevwa pou yo ta di pou ki rezon ke se lame an sèlman ki merite ke yo lapide l. An lòt mo, pa genyen moun ki pa konnen ke lame an pa t yon lame pwofesyonèl. Gouvènman an, lapolis, palman an, lajistis, sektè prive a, youn pa pwofesyonèl nonplis. Tout yon peyi ap drive nan koripsyon, men se lame ki te dwe enpekab?

Pwoblèm peyi an se pa yon kesyon lame. Depi plis pase 17 lane yo pa fè pati de bidjè nasyonal lan, men tout moun ka konstate ke dwa Ayisyen pa janm respekte toujou. Ayisyen poko ka manje yon patat, elèv lekòl te kontinye ap mouri anba bal, radyo te kontinye ap kraze, vòl nan kès leta se pa pale...

Anplis, mwen tande yon zafè de "kòmandè bitasyon"? Sa ke fanatik yo pa konprann nan, se ke pèson pa bezwen lame pou kòmande pèp Ayisyen an. Genyen twòp politisyen san koutya pou fè sa. Jis menase visa yo ak fwote manda bò dyòl pou zanno ke yo genyen kay òfèv epi lapè! Yon kesyon ke yo ta sipoze reponn se ke si se lame ki te "kòmandè bitasyon" an e yo pa la kounyea, eske Ayiti pa sou zòd ankò? Si m byen konprann, blan an pa genyen "kòmandè" ankò nan bitasyon an? Ala nèg yo pa reflechi anvan ke yo radote konpè.

Ti nèg pa konprann ke lè yon peyi pòv ak lè li chaje ak ti visye ak ti egri kòm politisyen, vrè "kòmandè" an se lajan ki nan pòch blan an. Depi w manje lajan Chango, w ap peye Chango.

Pou m fini, mwen pa ka pa kòmante sou zafè mwen tande ke Ti Moris te twò vètikal? Twò nèg? Mezanmi wooooo! Yon nonm k ap foure dwèt li nan sa ki pa pou li, yon nonm ki mete anpil fanmi nan dezolasyon, yon nonm ki pase tout yon peyi nan betiz, yon nonm ki trayi peyi li nan mande anbago total ak bonbadman pou pwòp peyi saa, yon nonm ke non l site byen fò nan trafik dwòg ak nan dechèpiyay TELECO, lè yon 50 rebèl t ap mache pran l li te rele papa blan vini vit... pou m site sila yo sèlman. Men se nonm saa ke ti nèg ap rele "vètikal"? Se pa pou gran mèsi ke yo di ke menm Dyab lan genyen avoka.

Se pa yon sèl Clifford Brandt ki ap masakre malere nan peyi a, epi lage responsablite krim yo sou do inosan.

Depi zafè kidnaping lan kòmanse li pa te janm lojik pou se malere ki rete nan katye popilè ki ta òganize li. Li te klè, se moun ki gen kontak ak labank, lapolis, lajistis, gwo rezo mafyozo epi ki ka achte zàm nan gwo rezo ki t ap fè krim sa yo. Malgre sa, anpil nan nou te kite pwopagann rasis blan yo pote nan peyi a pou elimine patizan Aristide yo vegle yo ak yon kesyon "chimè". Se vye prejije nou genyen kont moun ki pi pòv, pi vilnerab nan sosyete a, ki fè kèk nan nou te pran yon salopri tankou Brandt pou yon afè.

Sa fè lontan depi vagabon nan fanmi rich Ayiti ap fè krim tèrib konsa. Pandan premye koudeta 1990 la, yo te fòme gang "Ninja", yo masakre yon pakèt malere. Paske FADH (Lame) sete yon ekip enbesil ki te ladan li, yo itilize yo pou masakre anpil malere nan pwòp katye kote yo te grandi. Si ou konprann angle, ale sou dokiman sa a, ou va wè kijan an bagay n ap rele "boujwa" Ayiti yo gen yon bann ak yon pakèt kriminèl malpwòp nan mitan yo ki sanginè, rasis epi san pitye pou malere. FADH sete tyoul yo, e yo te toujou ap griyen dan sou nèg sòt ki mache rache nèg parèy yo pou enterè blan ak nèg ki kwè se blan yo ye.

"An uprising of the peasant majority? There’s no way that the Haitian peasants can rise up. You have one section of the black population which is now aligned with and making money with the rich. Not much, but more than they could make as a farmer cutting mangoes. So now they have a gun and are in control. They’re making a few bucks. The rich tell them to go out and take down some village, shoot up a couple of people, chop their face off, leave them in the street, and they’ll do it...." - Patrick James, U.S. Businessman in Haiti

- Sa, se temwanaj yon biznisman blan Meriken ki t ap esplike ki jan gen yon bann nèg nwa sòt ann Ayiti depi ou lage zàm nan men yo, epi pase yo lòd ale touye nèg parèy yo pou enterè blan, y ap fè sa, san ezite. Se konsa yo te konsevwa dyòb defen FAdH, FRAPH e se konsa yo konsevwa tout Roro Nelson yo lage nan PNH la nan moman an.
http://www.forumhaiti.com/t13076-who-wants-to-resurrect-the-haitian-army-and-why

As time often causes distortions of reality. As criminals often find a way to rewrite "history" in order to burry the truth under piles of deceit, this very educational exchange which took place during the U.S. Department of State briefings of November 28, 1995, nearly 20 years ago, is hereby posted to help shed light on the current and ongoing actions of the U.S. Government in Haiti.

Key words: FRAPH, CIA death squad, Coup d'Etat in Haiti, Louis Jodel Chamblain, Emmanuel Toto Constant, Michel Francois (aka the original Sweet Micky).

Q Haiti -- the reports that the U.S. has some documents which were seized at the time of the intervention a year ago, and the Haitians think those documents belong to them. Can you shed some light on this?

MR. BURNS: Yes, let me shed some light. Let me give you some background and give you our position. The background is that way back in September 1994, during our initial military operations in Haiti, members of the 10th Mountain Division, United States Army, as part of the multinational force, sent to provide security in Haiti, seized documents, some photographs, some tapes from the FRAPH Headquarters in Port-au-Prince, and these items were forwarded through U.S. military command channels and are now being held by the Defense Intelligence Agency.

We received a request from the Haitian Government for these documents -- photos and tapes -- and that request was made on October 31 of this year. I can't comment on the contents of the documents or the precise status of the DoD review of them. I'll refer you to Mike Doubleday who is in the office today and is briefing on them.

But I will say this: We have a good relationship with the Haitian Government. The fact that the Haitian Government has made a formal request is important to us. We owe them a response. The ball is in our court, and we plan to get back to the Haitian Government as quickly as possible, so that we can end this misunderstanding.

Q Nick, isn't it sort of a question -- at least the Haitians are framing it in terms of sovereignty. They're Haitian documents. They want them back. What right does the United States have to hold onto them?

MR. BURNS: I don't think anyone's disputing the fact that in September 1994 the U.S. military was deployed to end the thuggery of Francois and Cedras, and I don't think anyone is arguing the fact that the military came in and seized FRAPH documents.

FRAPH was an illegitimate organization which terrorized the people of Haiti. I don't think anyone has sympathy for FRAPH. At this point, though, the Haitian Government has come forward and said he would like the documents back. We've heard that request, and, as I said, I want to emphasize this -- we have a very good relationship with President Aristide and the Haitian Government.

We want to be receptive. The ball's in our court. We certainly owe them a response, and we're working on it.

Q Is there any fear that these documents would incite more vigilante violence in Haiti against former FRAPH members, and that's the reason that the United States is holding up --

MR. BURNS: I wouldn't lead you in that direction, no.

Q Then what's the problem? I mean, if they're theirs, you've acknowledged they're theirs, they're a legitimate government, you support the government -- why do you think that you should keep them?

MR. BURNS: These are FRAPH documents, and we held them -- for what? -- for 14 months -- 13, 14 months -- and we've just, in the last month had a request for their return. We are looking at that request. That request is in the purview of the Pentagon, so I can't give you a detailed answer as to where the documents are, how many documents there are, how many tapes, how many photographs, but I can tell you this: I think this is important. We do owe them a response. We're going to give them a response.

Q The question is why? Not what, where or when, it's why. Why couldn't you just turn them over? I mean, why is there even a debate about this?

MR. BURNS: I think you may be presuming more than you should. This was a military operation to do away with FRAPH and to restore the democratically elected President of Haiti to power, which the United States accomplished, and which has since been continued. The mission has been continued by the United Nations.

It was a success. It was the right thing to do. In the course of that operation, our military came into possession, probably, of these items and many more items pertaining to the FRAPH organization. I can't tell you specifically why these documents were held from September '94 until today, but I can tell you that now that the Haitian Government has asked for them back, we're looking at that request very seriously.

Q You seem to be drawing a distinction between these documents belonging to FRAPH or belonging to the Haitian Government. Do you mean to do that?

MR. BURNS: I'm just saying that there was an illegitimate government in place in September 1994. It was removed from power, and a legitimate government came in and took its place. These documents belonged at the time to the illegitimate organization that no longer exists.

Now the government that clearly has sovereignty -- the Haitian Government -- has asked for them back. It's a legitimate request. We're looking at it. We're going to get them an answer.

Q There's no question that these documents are not the current Haitian Government's, is there?

MR. BURNS: Sid, I think I've given you a pretty clear answer. We've got a request. We're looking at it. It's under review. And I'm going to have to refer you to the Pentagon, which is in possession of these documents. These documents are not here in Foggy Bottom.

I haven't seen the documents. I don't know where they are. I don't where they're being held. I don't know how many there are.

Q Isn't there disagreement between the State Department and the Pentagon as to whether or not these documents should be continued to be held or just, you know, handed over?

MR. BURNS: What I would just tell you, Carol, is this is a relatively recent request. We've had a lot of business with the Haitian Government over the last couple of weeks. I can tell you that the senior people in this Department -- the Department of State -- as well as senior people in the Department of Defense are very well aware of the request now, and they're working on it. There's a review underway of what the appropriate action should be, and I'm sure that the United States Government will come to the appropriate decision. I'm sure that we'll be able to resolve this with the Haitian Government.

Q You're not saying it's up to the Pentagon whether these documents go back or not, are you?

MR. BURNS: It's a U.S. Government decision, but the documents are currently in the possession of the Pentagon, because the 10th Mountain Division took possession of the documents in September 1994.

Q They may be sitting at the Pentagon, but the U.S. Government is in possession of them. It's not up to the Pentagon to decide what this government should do.

MR. BURNS: The Pentagon clearly has an important role to play here, but the Department of State has a voice and the White House has a voice, and we have a collegial Administration. We usually work issues like this out, and I'm sure we'll work this one out.

Q After you work it out with the Pentagon, is part of the issue with the Haitian Government an orderly process by which these documents would be returned and a guarantee that they remain in the hands of the government for judicial purposes?

MR. BURNS: I just don't know if that's part of the Haitian Government request. I don't know what the specific request was beyond the request made to ask the U.S. Government to turn these documents back to the Government of Haiti. I don't know if there were specific conditions applied by the Government of Haiti.

Q No. My question is actually directed at the conditions the U.S. Government is trying to impose upon their return.

MR. BURNS: Oh, I don't know anything about that. I don't know if there will be conditions. I can't predict what our response is going to be. All I can tell you is there's a review underway. We're going to get back to the Haitians and very speedily, and, when we do, we'll talk about it.

Q Could you volunteer it when you do come up with a decision?

MR. BURNS: I'll even volunteer it. I'll come out and even make an announcement that we've done it. You won't even have to ask.

Q Before the snows come?

MR. BURNS: I don't know when the snows are coming.

(Inaudible)

MR. BURNS: Yes. Now that's a better formula.

Q Quick follow-up question. Can you give us any idea what these documents and photographs are of?

MR. BURNS: No, I can't. I am not an expert on these documents. I've never seen the documents. I don't know where they're being held. I don't know what they represent. I don't know how many of them there are.

Q Are there photographs?

MR. BURNS: No, I just don't know anything about them.

Q Bosnia. All right. Nick, concerning the security guarantees to IFOR...

Excerpt from U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, DAILY PRESS BRIEFING, DPB #172, November 28, 1995
http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/ERC/briefing/daily_briefings/1995/9511/951128db.html


N.B.: The "speedy" response promised by the State Department spokesman, arrived 5 years later. Among the last actions of the outgoing Clinton administration a set of documents purported to be "Fraph documents" were returned to the Haitian Government.

More about these Clinton-released "FRAPH documents"... to come...


See also:
http://www.forumhaiti.com/t10506-the-ottawa-initiative-on-haiti-the-truth-must-be-revealed