Paramilitarism and the assault on democracy in Haiti

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Paramilitarism and the assault on democracy in Haiti

http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2012/09/201293072613719320.html

Haiti's brutal paramilitary campaigns received scant media coverage, while "political violence" was decried at length.

The Revolutionary Front for the Liberation of Haiti was instrumental in the 2004 coup d'état that deposed Aristide [EPA]

In the aftermath of the 2010 earthquake that devastated Haiti, certain media outlets painted a picture of a country overrun by looters and at the mercy of gang members and other criminals, including thousands of prisoners jolted free by the quake.

Relevant details were ignored, such as the contention by prominent Haitian human rights attorney Mario Joseph that 80 per cent of said prisoners had never been charged. The media effort perhaps aided in rendering less incongruous in the eyes of the international public the deployment of a sizeable US military force to deal with quake-affected people who did not seemingly require military attention.

A Reuters dispatch from one week after the disaster - which reported "marauding looters", "scavengers and looters swarm[ing] over damaged stores", "increasingly lawless streets" and "[h]eavily armed gang members" - offered the following plea from policeman Dorsainvil Robenson:

"Haiti needs help ... the Americans are welcome here. But where are they? We need them here on the street with us."

The whereabouts of the ever-elusive Americans are of course hinted at two paragraphs later, when we learn that "the White House said more than 11,000 US military personnel are on the ground, on ships offshore or en route". Elsewhere, French Co-operation Minister Alain Joyandet was quoted as commenting in reference to seemingly skewed US priorities: "This is about helping Haiti, not about occupying Haiti". As foreign military monopolised the Port-au-Prince airport, teams of paramedics and first responders were delayed in the critical hours immediately following the earthquake.

Subscribers to the fantasy that the US is somehow qualified to counteract violence and install order in the Caribbean nation would do well to peruse a new book entitled Paramilitarism and the Assault on Democracy in Haiti, in which author Jeb Sprague masterfully documents - among other topics - the detrimental role of US and fellow international actors in Haitian history.

Offering new evidence obtained through interviews and a massive amount of formerly classified US government documents, the book clarifies how Haiti's post-quake reconstruction rests on a foundation of total impunity achieved by the country's most brutal paramilitaries and their financiers.

Legacy of violence

As Sprague notes, the US occupation of Haiti from 1915-1934 under "the pretext of possible German encroachment during the First World War… caused the deaths of an estimated 15,000 Haitians and saw the imposition of slave labour". It also imposed "a modern army, one that would continue the US occupation long after US troops were gone", functioning on behalf of the Haitian elite and their American counterparts. Observes Sprague: "The US occupation wedded the country’s future to North American business interests."

Later, during the reign of Francois "Papa Doc" Duvalier in the 1960s, US Marines trained the dictator’s Tonton Macoutes paramilitary force, known for "leaving bodies of their victims hanging in public, a clear warning to anyone stepping out of line, most especially leftists, socialists and pro-democracy activists". Linked to the business elite and the military itself, the Macoutes were "vital for upholding a system based on severe inequality and class privilege".

Following the transfer of power to Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier, a brutal counter-insurgency force known as the Leopards was trained and equipped "by former US marine instructors who were working through a company (Aerotrade, Inc and Aerotrade International, Inc) under contract with the CIA and signed off by the US Department of State".

Prior to becoming Haiti's first democratically elected president in early 1991, the young liberation theologian, Jean-Bertrand Aristide "denounced the historic role of the United States in founding, arming and training Haiti's military, which had been responsible for so much of the violence in Haitian history".

Sprague quotes Aristide: "They [the United States] set up the Haitian Army, they trained it to work against the people". Indeed, it would be difficult to argue that the army was working for the people by massacring citizens attempting to vote in 1987, or by overthrowing the newly elected Aristide in September 1991 and slaughtering his supporters.

Aristide's coup-inducing crimes included inviting street children and homeless persons to breakfast at the National Palace and endeavouring to raise the daily minimum wage from $1.76 to $2.94. As Joanne Landy wrote in the New York Times in 1994, the latter effort was "vigorously opposed by the US Agency for International Development because of the threat such an increase would pose to the 'business climate', particularly to American companies paying rock-bottom wages to workers in Haiti".



Aside from USAID, another relevant euphemism from the coup period was the Front for the Advancement and Progress of Haiti (FRAPH), a paramilitary organisation intimately linked to the Haitian military that assumed the task of terrorising the non-elite masses under the military junta. "Internal US government documents reveal that FRAPH was founded in part at the behest of the US Defence Intelligence Agency," Sprague notes.

Recycling brutality

After years of brutality and corruption, the military dictatorship faced growing resistance at home and abroad. Aristide was thus reinserted in his lawful post in 1994 in exchange for, inter alia, committing to be more attentive to the needs of the US agriculture industry and drastically slashing tariffs on imported rice.

Upon reinstatement, he logically moved - with overwhelming public support - to disband the armed forces and the section chiefs (the hated rural constabulary). His government, and the elected governments that followed him, also gathered testimonials from thousands of victims of paramilitary violence and undertook judicial proceedings to prosecute military and paramilitary criminals.

However, as researcher Eirin Mobekk has critically pointed out and Sprague has underscored, "only the army as an institution was dissolved… In a country where the army had run political life for decades it was an illusion to think that its networks would disappear with the removal of uniforms and the use of its buildings for other purposes".

US contributions to the dissolution of the army included maneouvering to insert allied Haitian ex-military officials into what was supposed to be a civilian police force and eliminating officers seen as overly loyal to Aristide or less than enthusiastic about the coup. Some Haitian police officers were trained in the United States, where they were susceptible to overtures by the CIA, which also funded various FRAPH leaders and other paramilitaries.

Given the high level of impunity enjoyed by military and paramilitary members who had committed atrocities - not to mention US insistence on a full amnesty for the coup perpetrators - it is somewhat less than astonishing that Aristide's re-election in 2000 also culminated in a coup d'état. Instrumental in the overthrow was the Revolutionary Front for the Liberation of Haiti (FLRN), which as Sprague explains was "led by renegade police officials who were from among the same ex-FAd'H [Haitian Armed Forces] pushed into the country’s new security force by the United States in the late 1990s".

Backed by some wealthy Haitians, neo-Duvalierists, sweatshop owners, and government and army officials from the neighbouring Dominican Republic (who didn't want Aristide's anti-military, pro-human rights rhetoric rubbing off on their own citizenry), the FLRN staged incursions into Haiti from Dominican territory with the ultimate goal of forcing the re-establishment of the Haitian army.

Of course, the sign of any good army is its ability to safeguard the domestic population, and these incursions provided the FLRN with an opportunity to showcase its skills - which it did by massacring and assaulting supporters of Aristide's Fanmi Lavalas party, often with sickening tactics. Citing formerly classified US embassy cables, Sprague uncovers how a small but powerful fifth column within the government was also working to undermine Aristide.

According to Sprague, it is likely that French and US intelligence facilitated the paramilitary insurgency in some way, while "the International Republican Institute (an organisation funded by the US government that promotes 'democratisation programmes' around the world) provided a forum through which the [Haitian] political opposition strengthened its ties with the paramilitaries".

As journalist Max Blumenthal has documented, the IRI benefitted in its underhanded dealings from the diplomacy of Roger Noriega, an Iran-Contra-era figure recycled into the Bush II administration along with his Cold War Manichean fantasies according to which Aristide and anyone else with less than extreme right-wing political convictions is a communist demon.

Sprague aptly comments that US' "knowledge that [sectors of] Haiti's 'business community' [were] strongly backing paramilitary terror underscores the cynicism of Washington’s constant demands that Aristide seek 'compromise' with his 'peaceful opponents'". In the end, the compromise consisted of Aristide's removal on a US military plane to the Central African Republic in 2004 and the installation of Gerard Latortue as head of state. The ensuing peace is recalled by historian Greg Grandin:

"During Latortue's brief stint in office, 2004 - 2006, Haiti experienced some 4,000 political murders, according to The Lancet - while hundreds of Fanmi Lavalas members, Aristide supporters, and social movement leaders were locked up - usually on bogus charges. Latortue's friends in Washington looked the other way."

Sprague, meanwhile, observes that "Bill Clinton's [former] policy of inserting a handful of ex-FAd’H criminals into Haiti's police force… was now put on steroids" and that "in 2004 -5 the United States and the UN oversaw the recycling of 400 ex-army paramilitaries into a revamped police force" - paving the way for yet more repetitions of history.

Media coups

Why is it that Haiti's brutal paramilitary campaigns received scant international press attention while quantitatively and qualitatively inferior political violence by a small number of Fanmi Lavalas supporters (which occurred in the context of clashes with the opposition) was decried at length?

Obviously, media coverage is shaped by geopolitical and financial interests, with the terms of events defined by the powerful. This is how, for example, terrorism conducted by the US and Israel becomes "counter-terrorism", "self-defence" and "democracy promotion" in the Western mainstream media.

Sprague documents how, in the case of Haiti, the press in the US, France, Canada and other locales undertook to demonise Aristide and rebrand the violent and unpopular uprising against him as non-violent and popular. As US-trained FLRN commander Guy Philippe remarked to journalist Isabel McDonald following the coup: "[The] international media, the media leaders helped us a lot. And thanks to them we were able to overthrow the dictator. And without them I don't think that we could have". "

Obviously, media coverage is shaped by geopolitical and financial interests, with the terms of events defined by the powerful."

In an essay for the London Review of Books, Paul Farmer describes how Aristide was made the scapegoat for crimes committed by the very people who overthrew him. Summarising Philippe's pre-coup history, which involved reincarnation as a police chief following the demobilisation of the military, Farmer writes:

"During his tenure, the UN International Civilian Mission learned, dozens of suspected gang members were summarily executed, most of them by police under the command of Philippe's deputy. The US embassy has also implicated Philippe in drug smuggling during his police career. Crimes committed in large part by ex-military policemen are often pinned on Aristide, even though he sought to prevent coup-happy human rights abusers from ending up in these posts." Farmer also noted that "Philippe has been quoted as saying that the man he most admires is Pinochet". The bloody legacy of the Chilean dictator offers a reminder of how helpful US-backed coups and violence can be when it comes to introducing neoliberal reforms.

After the second overthrow of Aristide, Sprague writes, the temporary regime set about "securing [Haiti] as a platform through which global capital could flow freely", in accordance with instructions from the IMF and other interested parties:

"The interim government laid off between eight and ten thousand civil sector workers, many from the poorest slums of Port-au-Prince. Other programmes under the Aristide government, such as subsidised rice for the poor, literacy centres and water supply projects, came to a halt following the coup d'état."

The long-fantasised-about mass privatisation of Haitian state assets, however, appeared more difficult to pull off - until, that is, the country was shattered by the 2010 earthquake and control over Haiti's energy, water and other sectors was divvied up between international players like the World Bank and USAID. The 2011 debut of singer-turned-head of state Michel Martelly, elected with the support of a mere 16.7 per cent of the electorate and described by former Financial Times journalist Matt Kennard as a "shock president" prepared to enforce economic shock therapy, seems to have set the stage for the conversion of Haiti into a neoliberal fairytale kingdom.

It is fitting that Martelly, whose presidential objectives include a resurrection of the Haitian armed forces rather than the pursuit of projects benefitting the majority of the nation's citizens, is himself a longtime close associate of Duvalier's paramilitary Tonton Macoutes.

Belen Fernandez is the author of The Imperial Messenger: Thomas Friedman at Work, released by Verso in 2011. She is a member of the Jacobian Magazine editorial board, and her articles have appeared in the London Review of Books blog, AlterNet and many other publications.

Men son emisyon an ki ap disponib pou 4 semenn k ap vini yo:

http://cod.ckcufm.com/programs/36/10200.html

Joel,

Tou dabò, anvan ke w repete kont de fe SPRAGUE yo, manyè konsilte lòt sous. Misye pa rapòte fè yo, lè li pa bay manti, li seleksyone sa pou l rapòte yo.

Pat genyen okenn "koudeta" ki te planifye an Oktòb 2000 vre. Plan an se te arete Aristide, ki te yon senp sitwayen, sou akizasyon chèf gang ki t ap teworize popilasyon an ak PNH lan. Te genyen evidans sikonstansyèl ki te montre ke gang yo t ap opere anba benediksyon Aristide ak Fanmi Lavalas. Preval pran nan kraponay apre yo te manke touye sè li an nan Aveni Poupelard, li kouri rele "koudeta" pou mete polisye yo nan mawon.

http://www2.webster.edu/~corbetre/haiti-archive-new/msg11947.html

Se pa okenn 600 polisye ki te nan okenn konspirasyon, se te pito 3/4 polisye ki te estomake pou zak gang lavalas yo pandan ke okenn arestsyon pa t ka fèt nan kan bizango yo. Nan epòk ke w ap pale laa, gouvènman Ameriken an te gen tan bay rejim lavalas lan do deja depi pou maskarad dat 21 Me 2000 yo. Yo pa t genyen okenn enterè ke yo t ap defann vre. Pou enfòmasyon w, Mario Andrésol te fè pati polisye ke w ap pale la yo. Li te pran prizon ak ekzil nan men lavalas pou " konspirasyon koudeta".

Se pa nou ki te jete Aristide teknikman. Se lè Aristide gade li wè ke se sèl bann bizango l yo ki kanpe avèl pandan ke yon ti ponyen a pèn 50 gason te mache pran plis ke mwatye peyi an nan men l nan mwens ke 2 semèn ke li bay bouda l 2 tap paske li pa t vle kite po l pou l te goute medikaman ke l renmen preskri pou lènmi politik li yo.

Leon Manus te di poukisa li te kite Ayiti:

Nashua, December 27, 2000
General Colin Powell
Secretary of State-Designee
Bush-Cheney Transition Team
McLean, Virginia


Dear General Powell:

As the exiled President of the Haitian Provisional Electoral Council, let me congratulate you as the 65th Secretary of State of the United States. Your integrity, character, sense of honor, and dedication remind me and other Haitians of our own roots, which include General Toussaint Louverture, one of the fathers of our independence. At that time, for the black people of Haiti, he was the savior against oppression and slavery; he was a man of integrity, with the vision of freedom and democracy for his people. Sir, for all the blacks of the world, you continue to carry the flag as a role model for showing that the best is yet to come.

Almost two years ago, Haitian President Rene Preval called me out of retirement, at age 74, to serve my country with pride, honesty and dignity. I agreed to become the President of the Provisional Electoral Council of Haiti, despite the obvious difficulties that lay ahead for a country coming out of 23 months of political crisis and the fact that since 1994 both former President Aristide and President Preval violated all the agreements on democratization with the parties, civil society, and the international community. During that crisis period, President Preval sought to force the Parliament to accept the results of previous fraudulent elections and impose a prime minister without parliamentary approval. Parliament was dissolved, a prime minister was appointed without constitutional legitimacy, and elections were oft-postponed and eventually were held, however fraudulently. Political repression and assassinations were common, and regrettably, still are.

During the 15 months I served in office prior to fleeing the country for my own safety, I endured the difficulties of the job, wanting only to get my country out of the mess it was in and help it become part of the international democratic community. Despite threats of violence, manipulations of the ruling party, and recriminations by the opposition, we succeeded in organizing reasonably fair elections on May 21, 2000. Turnout was around 60 percent, extremely high by recent Haitian historical experience. Violence was relatively minor, and for the first time since 1995, all the opposition parties and civil society fully participated.

But on election night, after the polls closed and the international observers went home, ballots boxes were stolen and replaced with stuffed substitute boxes. The replacement boxes were full of ballots in favor of former President Aristide's party, Fanmi Lavalas (FL). Many members of the police forces betrayed their mission of ensuring the security of the electoral process, participating in fraudulent maneuvers. Overall, the night of the elections was one of fraud, with the goal of ensuring the absolute success of the Fanmi Lavalas party. I was summoned to the National Palace, where both President Preval and former President Aristide threatened me with death if I did not publish the manipulated results. I refused to commit such infamy against the Haitian people, and with the support of the international community, I was taken out of Haiti and into exile in the United States. At age 76, I m learning of the difficult conditions of exile. Subsequent to my departure, Presidents Preval and Aristide published the bogus results, which do not reflect the will of the Haitian people. My deepest concern is that Haiti once again has become a one-party de facto dictatorship.

In the name of my countrymen, I call on you to do all you can to help Haitians organize free and fair local, legislative, and presidential elections as soon as possible and with the participation of the whole of our democratic society. Because you understand the meaning of honor, decency, integrity, and democracy, I am confident you will hear the call of the Haitian people. We want peace and democracy. The Haitian people deserve no less. Thank you for your consideration. I am glad to wish you great success as the Secretary of State of the new administration and all the best for the year 2001 and beyond


Sincerely,



Leon Manus
President in Exile
Provisional Electoral Council

Pou m fini m ap di w ke pa t genyen okenn koudeta an 2004 nan peyi an. Pèp lan revolte, zam lavalas vire kont lavalas, rebèl pran lari, ze an resòti nan bounda poul lan ankò.

Haitian's Flight Shows Democracy's Slide
July 25, 2000|MARK FINEMAN | TIMES STAFF WRITER



PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haiti — For two days last month, they hunted the frail old man.

Seat by seat, the police searched every commercial jet leaving Port-au-Prince's airport for the United States. They tore through cars crossing the remote Dominican border and pored over surveillance tapes from cameras outside diplomatic compounds here.

They wanted Leon Manus at all costs--and, by his and most others' reckoning, they wanted him dead.

All because Manus, the president of Haiti's independent election commission, had refused to validate election results that gave former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide's party sweeping victories.

But even though the 80-year-old jurist had been warned that assassins were coming to his house, senior U.S. officials, who knew about the threats, spent two days debating how far to go to protect Manus' life.

In the end, his relatives say and U.S. officials privately confirm, Washington staged a clandestine operation to evacuate Manus and bring him to safety in the United States. But the long hours of indecision reflected the Clinton administration's struggle over how far to disengage from Haiti, six years after a military intervention and a $2.3-billion effort to restore democracy here.

Even now, the State Department officially refuses to confirm or deny the U.S. role in rescuing Manus, presumably fearful of jeopardizing what little sway Washington still has over Aristide and his handpicked successor, President Rene Preval.

State Department spokesman Richard Boucher has said only: "[Manus] and his wife entered on valid U.S. visas they already had in their possession. Our understanding is it was entirely their decision to leave Haiti." But he added that Manus' departure "says a lot about the difficult situation in Haiti."

Another State Department official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the administration still believes that it can influence Preval and Aristide, despite their defiant response to international criticism in the elections' aftermath.

Although the official acknowledged that "frustration levels are high" within the administration at a time when "traditional policy tools don't seem to respond," he added that U.S. attempts to engage Preval's government "are an indication that we are going to be the last to close the final door here."

That door appears only slightly ajar.

The last permanent U.S. military presence here ended in January. The State Department has been drawing down its ambitious police-training mission after spending tens of millions of dollars in an attempt to create a new police force that the opposition asserts has been spending as much time rounding up its members as chasing criminals.

"There has been a ratcheting down of assistance levels that would have happened regardless of the elections," the State Department official said. "But what we're hearing from Capitol Hill now is: no new money . . . unless the secretary [of State] or the president can certify the parliamentary elections have been free and fair."



http://articles.latimes.com/2000/jul/25/news/mn-58516

Premyèman ;mwen wè ke atik ou mete la a se LATIMES ;notwàman anti LAVALAS se pa NYTIMES.
Yon lòt bagay ;ki sa ke sa t ap pwofite mesye LAVALAS yo pou yo ta sasinen LEON MANUS?

Ou konnen byen ke KONSPIRASYON CHÈF POLIS yo ;si l te reyisi se pou OLIVIER NADAL ak LEON MANUS te fòme yon gouvènman.

Se rezon sa a ki fè LEON MANUS te kraze rak.
E ATANSYON ;koudeta CHÈF POLIS yo ;youn lan premye AK yo t ap poze se te SASINAJ ARISTIDE ak PREVAL!

M ALE!

Thunder a écrit:Joel,

Tou dabò, anvan ke w repete kont de fe SPRAGUE yo, manyè konsilte lòt sous. Misye pa rapòte fè yo, lè li pa bay manti, li seleksyone sa pou l rapòte yo.

Pat genyen okenn "koudeta" ki te planifye an Oktòb 2000 vre. Plan an se te arete Aristide, ki te yon senp sitwayen, sou akizasyon chèf gang ki t ap teworize popilasyon an ak PNH lan. Te genyen evidans sikonstansyèl ki te montre ke gang yo t ap opere anba benediksyon Aristide ak Fanmi Lavalas. Preval pran nan kraponay apre yo te manke touye sè li an nan Aveni Poupelard, li kouri rele "koudeta" pou mete polisye yo nan mawon.

http://www2.webster.edu/~corbetre/haiti-archive-new/msg11947.html

Se pa okenn 600 polisye ki te nan okenn konspirasyon, se te pito 3/4 polisye ki te estomake pou zak gang lavalas yo pandan ke okenn arestsyon pa t ka fèt nan kan bizango yo. Nan epòk ke w ap pale laa, gouvènman Ameriken an te gen tan bay rejim lavalas lan do deja depi pou maskarad dat 21 Me 2000 yo. Yo pa t genyen okenn enterè ke yo t ap defann vre. Pou enfòmasyon w, Mario Andrésol te fè pati polisye ke w ap pale la yo. Li te pran prizon ak ekzil nan men lavalas pou " konspirasyon koudeta".

Se pa nou ki te jete Aristide teknikman. Se lè Aristide gade li wè ke se sèl bann bizango l yo ki kanpe avèl pandan ke yon ti ponyen a pèn 50 gason te mache pran plis ke mwatye peyi an nan men l nan mwens ke 2 semèn ke li bay bouda l 2 tap paske li pa t vle kite po l pou l te goute medikaman ke l renmen preskri pou lènmi politik li yo.

Leon Manus te di poukisa li te kite Ayiti:

Nashua, December 27, 2000
General Colin Powell
Secretary of State-Designee
Bush-Cheney Transition Team
McLean, Virginia


Dear General Powell:

As the exiled President of the Haitian Provisional Electoral Council, let me congratulate you as the 65th Secretary of State of the United States. Your integrity, character, sense of honor, and dedication remind me and other Haitians of our own roots, which include General Toussaint Louverture, one of the fathers of our independence. At that time, for the black people of Haiti, he was the savior against oppression and slavery; he was a man of integrity, with the vision of freedom and democracy for his people. Sir, for all the blacks of the world, you continue to carry the flag as a role model for showing that the best is yet to come.

Almost two years ago, Haitian President Rene Preval called me out of retirement, at age 74, to serve my country with pride, honesty and dignity. I agreed to become the President of the Provisional Electoral Council of Haiti, despite the obvious difficulties that lay ahead for a country coming out of 23 months of political crisis and the fact that since 1994 both former President Aristide and President Preval violated all the agreements on democratization with the parties, civil society, and the international community. During that crisis period, President Preval sought to force the Parliament to accept the results of previous fraudulent elections and impose a prime minister without parliamentary approval. Parliament was dissolved, a prime minister was appointed without constitutional legitimacy, and elections were oft-postponed and eventually were held, however fraudulently. Political repression and assassinations were common, and regrettably, still are.

During the 15 months I served in office prior to fleeing the country for my own safety, I endured the difficulties of the job, wanting only to get my country out of the mess it was in and help it become part of the international democratic community. Despite threats of violence, manipulations of the ruling party, and recriminations by the opposition, we succeeded in organizing reasonably fair elections on May 21, 2000. Turnout was around 60 percent, extremely high by recent Haitian historical experience. Violence was relatively minor, and for the first time since 1995, all the opposition parties and civil society fully participated.

But on election night, after the polls closed and the international observers went home, ballots boxes were stolen and replaced with stuffed substitute boxes. The replacement boxes were full of ballots in favor of former President Aristide's party, Fanmi Lavalas (FL). Many members of the police forces betrayed their mission of ensuring the security of the electoral process, participating in fraudulent maneuvers. Overall, the night of the elections was one of fraud, with the goal of ensuring the absolute success of the Fanmi Lavalas party. I was summoned to the National Palace, where both President Preval and former President Aristide threatened me with death if I did not publish the manipulated results. I refused to commit such infamy against the Haitian people, and with the support of the international community, I was taken out of Haiti and into exile in the United States. At age 76, I m learning of the difficult conditions of exile. Subsequent to my departure, Presidents Preval and Aristide published the bogus results, which do not reflect the will of the Haitian people. My deepest concern is that Haiti once again has become a one-party de facto dictatorship.

In the name of my countrymen, I call on you to do all you can to help Haitians organize free and fair local, legislative, and presidential elections as soon as possible and with the participation of the whole of our democratic society. Because you understand the meaning of honor, decency, integrity, and democracy, I am confident you will hear the call of the Haitian people. We want peace and democracy. The Haitian people deserve no less. Thank you for your consideration. I am glad to wish you great success as the Secretary of State of the new administration and all the best for the year 2001 and beyond


Sincerely,



Leon Manus
President in Exile
Provisional Electoral Council

Pou m fini m ap di w ke pa t genyen okenn koudeta an 2004 nan peyi an. Pèp lan revolte, zam lavalas vire kont lavalas, rebèl pran lari, ze an resòti nan bounda poul lan ankò.

Woyy;
Mwen pa t gen tan li PÒS sa a ou mete la a.
Premyèman ;pa bliye se te 2000 wi?
Si w pa konnen jan gouvènman ameriken an fonksyone ;al aprann.
An 2000 ,CLINTON po t ko remèt BUSH gouvènman an .Kelkelanswa ,sa l te panse de ARISTIDE ,li pa t ap aksepte koudeta .Sa pa t ap bon pou ""legacy"" CLINTON .
Apre JANVYE 2001;BUSH t ap sou pouvwa a ;se t ap yon lòt bagay.
Pou misye te aksepte yon koudeta ;se t ap traka li t ap mete lan kò l e eleksyon an te NOVANM 2000 e yon KANDIDA DEMOKRAT bezwen VÒT NWA yo an mas ;si se pa sa li pa p eli.
Ameriken yo pa t renmen ARISTIDE ;men yo pa t bezwen jete l ;YO TE PYEJE NENPÒT GOUVÈNMAN LAVALAS AK ANSYE FADH YO.

Dapre mwen ;menm si AL GORE te eli ;ARISTIDE te sou pouvwa a ;yo t ap kontinye sere BOULON l ,men yo pa t ap ranvèse l.

AMERIKEN yo te ""set up"" yon SÈVIS ENTELIJANS lan POLIS lan ki rele SIU .Yo te jwenn tout moun ki te dèyè SASINAJ IZMERY an ;yo kite yo sove.

Epitou ,tout aktè yo revele ki wòl yo te jwe lan PREPARASYON KOUDETA a depi 1999.
Sa m pa konprann ;mesye sa yo w ap rele kriminèl yo ;poukisa yo pa t regle sa ;si yon gouvènman ki te bezwen yon MILIS se te mesye LAVALAS yo.
Tout administrasyon LAVALAS te penetre pa POUTCHIS .Se yon mirak ke ARISTIDE te dire 3 zan

Joel a écrit:Premyèman ;mwen wè ke atik ou mete la a se LATIMES ;notwàman anti LAVALAS se pa NYTIMES.
Yon lòt bagay ;ki sa ke sa t ap pwofite mesye LAVALAS yo pou yo ta sasinen LEON MANUS?

Ou konnen byen ke KONSPIRASYON CHÈF POLIS yo ;si l te reyisi se pou OLIVIER NADAL ak LEON MANUS te fòme yon gouvènman.

Se rezon sa a ki fè LEON MANUS te kraze rak.
E ATANSYON ;koudeta CHÈF POLIS yo ;youn lan premye AK yo t ap poze se te SASINAJ ARISTIDE ak PREVAL!

M ALE!

Joel,

Alò, se wou ki konnen ki jounal ki bay bon nouvèl? Si jounal lan pa ekri an favè kòkòday wou yo, jounal sa yo genyen tout move non? Sa ke w pa konprann se ke se pa tout moun ke nou ka arive twonpe pou tout tan.

Anplis, di m kisa ke Nadal ak Manus te ye pou se yo ta fòme gouvenman. Mezanmi woooooo! Reflechi anvan nou repete kont ke fanatik ap bay non.

Se moun sòt sèlman ki pou ta bezwen fè yon koudeta dabò epwi touye Prezidan sitou an Ayiti pa genyen pèn de mò. Si yo bezwen asasinen yo, poukisa gaspiye resous nan koudeta kote ke menm yon vye fizi Mauser ka fè djòb lan?

Woyy;
Mwen pa t gen tan li PÒS sa a ou mete la a.
Premyèman ;pa bliye se te 2000 wi?
Si w pa konnen jan gouvènman ameriken an fonksyone ;al aprann.
An 2000 ,CLINTON po t ko remèt BUSH gouvènman an .Kelkelanswa ,sa l te panse de ARISTIDE ,li pa t ap aksepte koudeta .Sa pa t ap bon pou ""legacy"" CLINTON .
Apre JANVYE 2001;BUSH t ap sou pouvwa a ;se t ap yon lòt bagay.
Pou misye te aksepte yon koudeta ;se t ap traka li t ap mete lan kò l e eleksyon an te NOVANM 2000 e yon KANDIDA DEMOKRAT bezwen VÒT NWA yo an mas ;si se pa sa li pa p eli.
Ameriken yo pa t renmen ARISTIDE ;men yo pa t bezwen jete l ;YO TE PYEJE NENPÒT GOUVÈNMAN LAVALAS AK ANSYE FADH YO.

Dapre mwen ;menm si AL GORE te eli ;ARISTIDE te sou pouvwa a ;yo t ap kontinye sere BOULON l ,men yo pa t ap ranvèse l.

AMERIKEN yo te ""set up"" yon SÈVIS ENTELIJANS lan POLIS lan ki rele SIU .Yo te jwenn tout moun ki te dèyè SASINAJ IZMERY an ;yo kite yo sove.

Epitou ,tout aktè yo revele ki wòl yo te jwe lan PREPARASYON KOUDETA a depi 1999.
Sa m pa konprann ;mesye sa yo w ap rele kriminèl yo ;poukisa yo pa t regle sa ;si yon gouvènman ki te bezwen yon MILIS se te mesye LAVALAS yo.
Tout administrasyon LAVALAS te penetre pa POUTCHIS .Se yon mirak ke ARISTIDE te dire 3 zan

Mwen konnen ase sou jan gouvènman Ameriken an fonksyone pou m di w pou w pa mete bourik devan charyo.

Avèk "si" wou ka fèmen linivè nan yon bwat alimèt.

Agiman vòt ke w avanse an irelevan paske kòman ke w ta esplike vòt mas moun nwa pou Obama pandan ke gouvènman l te trè kategorik sou retou Aristide nan peyi an?

Se nou menm ki kwè nan Toton Nwèl toujou, sa k ta di ke Obama ta kont Aristide? Se pa an 1990 nou ye ankò kote mask yo po t ko tonbe. 90% ansyen sipòtè Aristide nan mond lan pa p pete nan koton bay l santi ankò. Menm foto yo pè pran ak ti bononm nan ankò tèlman ke l radyoaktif. Epoutan Clinton pran foto ak Duvalier.

Joel al chita tande, jan w renmen pran sa k ap pase nan lòt peyi pou w konpare ak Ayiti. Sa k te pase nan Honduras an 2009? E an Ecuador an 2010? Se Bush ki te sou pouvwa? Pandan ke latino genyen plis vòt ke moun nwa, alò se pou Ayiti pou nèg ta pè pèdi vòt?

Si se konsa pou m aprann politik Ameriken an, mwen pito kenbe bon sans mwen.

Se bagay sa a ki ap kòz nou tonbe lan tyouboum ;paske lan AMERIK lan ,an 2012 pa gen avni pou politik nou an.
Premyèman ;ki sa k te pase lan ONDIRAS?
Lan ONDIRAS ,OBAMA te deside pou l te kanpe ak rès AMERIK LATIN lan e pa t rekonèt koudeta a.
Mesye ONDIRAS yo te tèlman pè ke yo te kòmanse ak yon pakèt EKSPRESYON RASIS pou yo deziye OBAMA.
Se JIM DE MINT ki te fè OBAMA chanje.Misye se youn lan SENATÈ REPIBLIKEN REYAKSYONÈ KÒLÒWÒCH lan SENA a.
Misye di mesye OBAMA yo si yo fè kò ak mesye AMERIK DI SID yo ,l ap bloke tout nominasyon OBAMA lan SENA a ;l ap fè FILIBISTÈ pou tout nominasyon yo .
OBAMA pa t gen 60 VÒT pou l sispann filibustè ,alòs li chita sou dengonn li ,li pa t gen reyaksyon.
Sa pa vle di ke sa k te pase lan ONDIRAS lan definitif paske LAME ak PARAMILITÈ kontinye ak touye moun ;misye kòmanse sere boulon ,administrasyon ONDIRAS lan.
Se a swiv ;men misye gen 4 an ankò ,ann gade.
Kanta ECUADOR tantativ KOUDETA a PA T REYISI ;ou konnen pouki sa se ""MIGHTY BRESIL"".EKWATÈ tou pre lakay yo ;BREZIL fè LAME yo konnen ke li pa p aksepte koudeta ;li fè ETAZINI konnen sa tou.
Dapre wou ;kisa ki fè LAME sa yo ;chita sou dengonn yo .Ki sa ki fè lan yon peyi tankou BOLIVI ,malgre tout bagay ke MORALES antreprann kont OLIGACHI an ;KOUDETA pa ka fèt?
SE BREZIL!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

Mesye nou lan yon PARI ke nou paka genyen ;n ap blije chanje ,ou byen n ap peri.
ETAZINI pa OMNIPOTAN jan l te ye an.
Sitiyasyon ann AYITI an anòmal ;menm GUATEMALA kote te gen ÒGANIZASYON PARAMILITÈ PWISAN blije konfòme l.

Nou plede ap di ke AYITI pa tankou lòt peyi yo .ATANSYON!!!!!!!!
OLIGACHI yo patou lan AMERIK lan ,blije lache kèk MAY ;si nou konprann n ap kontinye jan n ap kontinye an ;nou pa p ka siviv!!!!!!!!!!!!

""By 2000 ,right wing forces clearly understood that if FL was going to continue winning elections and to dominate Haiti's political landscape,it would be necessary to throw a wrench into the electoral machine and utilize new tactics to destroy the popular movement.An opportunity presented itself with the May 2000 election.The OAS concluded at the time that ""since one political party (FANMI LAVALAS) won most of the elections by a substantial margin,it is unlikely that the majority of the final outcomes in local elections have been affected"" by the calculation method.
If all the votes were counted ,eight of the senate contests should still have a second round of voting.

BY EARLY 2001,the senators who had won the seats the OAS claimed should have gone to a second round stepped down so that new elections could be held.
HOWEVER THE OPPOSITION AND ITS FOREIGN BACKERS REFUSED TO NEGOTIATE AND THEY CONTINUE FOR YEARS TO USE THE ELECTORAL ""CONTROVERSY"" TO JUSTIFY AN EMBARGO ON AID TO HAITI'S STATE AND AN ESCALATION OF THEIR DESTABILIZATION CAMPAIGN""
PARAMILITARISM AND THE ASSAULT ON DEMOCRACY IN HAITI (Page 96)
(

Joel,

Men kounyea w ap chache eskiz pou Obama. Sanble wou vrèman bezwen konnen plis sou kòman gouvènman Ameriken fonksyone. Pou wou menm wou panse se yo kesyon de DEMOKRAT ak REPIBLIKEN? Non! Li plis ke sa. Se yon kesyon de enterè peyi yo. Se nou menm Ayisyen ki wè entèrè ti klan pa nou pou laplipa.

Mwen remake wou menm se yon zafè "koudeta" ke w ap pale tout jounen, tankou prezidans se lisans pou diktati. Pa genyen sa pyès, menm jan ke w wè Brezil ap gonfle kòlèt li kont swadizan "koudeta" nan rejyon an, li genyen pou l kòmanse fè ti koudeta pa l tou. Anplis, sonje ke se yo ki te kraze grenn anpil chimè an Ayiti.

Nou renmen konte ze nan bounda poul konsa. Atansyon! Peyi pa genyen zanmi, se enterè ke yo genyen.

Pou m fini, se pa sèl koudeta ame ki pou disparèt. Koudeta elektoral, vòlò, asasen, machann dwòg, diktatè sanginè..., fòk sa disparèt tou.

Ou toujou lan anplwaye kliche.
Pa gen moun ki di ke OBAMA ap mete pèsonn sou pouvwa a.
Sa m ap di nou ;sè ke sa nou gen ann AYITI an pa ka kontinye ; se pa lan ENTERÈ AMERIKEN vre.
DI MWEN POUKI SA SE PLD KI SOU POUVWA A AN DOMINIKANI JOUNEN JODI AN?
DI MWEN POUKI SA?
Se PATI ki te konbat koudeta 1965 lan .Koudeta CIA an ;an plis se yomenm ki te opoze ENTÈVANSYON AMERIKEN an ;kote te gen ladan yo ki mouri ;menm jan ak SOLDA AMERIKEN.
Pouki sa ,tout liv sa yo ap ekri ;pou fè pèp AMERIKEN an konnen ,ki moun nou ye vre .De MOUN tankou PETER HALLWARD ,JEFF SPRAGUE,WILLIAM ROBINSON elt..;mwen pa p nonmen RANDALL ROBINSON ,paske w a di l te sou pewòl ARISTIDE.

W ap kontinye repete ak zway ou yo zafè KOUDETA ELEKTORAL alòs ke JEFF SPRAGUE ,mitikilezman ,pa a+b ;demontre ke se noumenm ki te vle fè,ki te fè yon KOUDETA ELEKTORAL an 2000;lè nou te refize rekonèt VOLONTE PÈP LAN.

E pou nou kontinye repete RANS nou yo ;tankou ARISTIDE te vle tout pou li?
An DOMINIKANI ,an 2000 PATI PRD te genyen 31 SENATÈ sou 32 ;li te genyen PREZIDANS lan ak 3/4 MANM DEPITE yo.DOMINIKEN yo te aksepte sa ;yo pa t di ke PRD te bezwen tout pou li.

Epi lè w ap pale de ENTERÈ an ;tankou se yon bagay MONOLITIK .Si w gen HBO gade ""THE HIDDEN HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES""
Enterè AMERIKEN konn chanje ;si w gade anwo ;ou gade anba ou paka wè ki jan MOUN ki ap kontwole POUVWA ann AYITI yo lan ENTERÈ AMERIKEN.
Ou konnen ke se CIA ki te ede SASINEN TRUJILLO an 1961.
M ap tande moun ki ap pale sou RADYO ann AYITI ;paske se yon pawòl INIK ann AYITI e m ap di nou ;mwen kwè sensèman ke MATELI se dènye moun ;se dènye reprezantan DWAT KÒLÒWÒCH lan ann AYITI.

Se yon bagay ekstrawòdinè ,ki jan JEFF SPRAGUE trase SEJOU GUY PHILIPPE ak JODEL CHAMBLAIN lan DOMINIKANI.
A ki lès yo te rankontre ,kote yo te etabli e seksyon LAME DOMINIKEN an ki te ba yo apwi.

Kesyon LAME DOMINIKEN an ;SPRAGUE di ke ARISTIDE se te yon obsesyon pou yo ,paske li te kraze LAME DAYITI.Yo te santi djòb yo direkteman menase ;paske jistifikasyon BIDJÈ yo ,se te yon potansyèl LAME ann AYITI.
Ala traka ;jistifikasyon LAME DOMINIKEN an ;se yon LAME ann AYITI e kilès ki ap konspire pou jete yon gouvènman ann AYITI se ansyen FADH ak konkou eleman lan LAME DOMINIKEN.
Militè AYISYEN pa AYISYEN yo pa gen okenn konsepsyon de yon IDANTITE NASYONAL!

DOMINIKEN ki t ap sipòte KOUDETA ann AYITI an ,e ba li apwi ,pa t kache anyen.AYITI se pa peyi yo ;genyen ladan yo ki fyè de wòl yo te jwe:
DE MOUN TANKOU:
Jeneral NOBLES ESPEJO.TOLENTINO,DELIS HERASME elt...
N ap tann tou ki lè JOUNALIS ak POLITISYEN AYISYEN ap prezante eskiz yo sou sa k te rive an DESANM 2001 an,lè PARAMILITÈ yo te atake PALÈ an e mesyedam sa yo di ke se te yon kou monte.

SPRAGUE di ,li pale ak DOMINIKEN ki te okouran e te bay yon LIMYÈ VÈT a atak sa a

Pa genyen moun ki di ke enterè Ameriken pa konn chanje. Wou ka remake ke menm administrasyon ki te mennen Aristide tounen an, se li menm ankò ki te mete anbago lajan, e kenbe menm anbago zam ke yo te mete pou poutchis yo an 1991 lan. Anplis, mwen konnen ke CIA bay koudeta e menm touye moun tou pa tou nan mond lan. Men, sa pa vle di ke tout moun sa yo pa merite sa yo jwenn. Se pa paske yon asasen touye yon lòt asasen ki fè ke lòt asasen saa inosan.

VOLONTE PEP lan se pa fè eleksyon chak 5 lane pou prezidan. VOLONTE PEP lan se pito fè eleksyon yo nan bon kondisyon, san fòs kote, san fè 0 tounen 9. Se pou sa ke yo te vote konstitisyon 1987 lan. Donk si genyen moun ki pa respekte VOLONTE PEP lan konnen ke se moun ki te vòlò eleksyon 2000 yo. Anplis, Konstitisyon an di kijan pou yo destitiye prezidan ki te pran pouvwa legalman, men li pa di kijan pou yo destitiye koudetayis ki te pran pouvwa an gwo ponyèt.

17 Desanm 2001 te genyen PARAMILITè nan lari vre, men se pa Palè Nasyonal lan ke yo te atake, se te tout moun ki te pa t lavalas. LAME KANIBAL nan Gonayiv te touye plizyè dizèn moun pou kont pa yo jou saa, san konte dechoukay ak dife nan kay moun.

Lè w rive nan pati kote SPRAGUE pale de LAME KANIBAL lan nan liv li an fè m konnen souple.

Anplis, wou pale te PRD ki te genyen 31 senatè sou 32 tankou sa ta vle di ke lavalas te ka fè tou. Krèk ti bèt! Si Lavalas te popilè konsa se pa 2 ou 3 pickup ki genyen kèk nèg san "IDANTITE NASYONAL" ki ta pran peyi an nan men l nan mwens ke 2 semèn.

Zafè militè Dominiken ke w ap pale an tou se radòt. Se pwòp PARAMILITARIES LAVALAS ki te vire zam sou LAVALAS dabò. Toutotan wou poko rive nan chapit saa nan liv SPRAGUE lan, wou poko ka fè lwanj pou li. LAME KANIBAL pa t janm yon sekrè, si l ka konnen tout bagay sa yo, li pa fouti di ke l pa t janm tande pale de yo.

Pa bliye bay ti rezime sou chapit kote rebelyon kont lavalas lan te kòmanse an.

Poukisa LAVALAS an 2000 pa ta ka fè 31 SENATÈ sou 32 an.
Ki sa k te genyen la a ;apre DEPATMAN DETA te di an 1999 ke pa gen plis ke 10 % popilasyon an ki te apiye OPOZISYON an.
Se manti yo t ap bay?
Alòs se pou yo separe FONKSYON lan LETA menm si nou pa gen apwi pou sa.
PRD te kontwole tout avni LETA a ,an 2000 ;tandans lan te kòmanse ap envèse an 2004 ;kounye an se PLD ki kontwole PREZIDANS ak 2 CHANM yo.
Pa janm pa gen LÒBÈY pandan peryòd ELEKTORAL an DOMINIKANI ;men tou pa gen KOUDETA .

Pa t gen okenn koken ki te fèt an 2000.Se lan kontaj 8 SENATÈ ki te pou ale lan 2zyèm tou an ke te gen pwoblèm e ARISTISDE te deside pou fè dezyèm tou pou 8 SENATÈ sa yo ;e pa gen anyen ki di ke 8 senatè LAVALAS pa t ap ranpòte majorite lan SYÈJ sa yo.

Wi ,te gen TANTATIV KOUDETA ELEKTORAL ;men se noumenm ki t ap eseye fè l?

Epitou mwen te bay REZILTA ELEKSYON 2000 yo lan DR kote PRD te gen 31 SENATÈ sou 32 e ou te di sa pa t posib.
Alòs gade sou RIBRIK ""LEGISLATIVE"" apre eleksyon 2010 yo ;kounye an se PLD ki gen 31 SENATÈ sou 32

https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/dr.html

Depatman Deta te di ke se 10% popilasyon an ki te apiye opozisyon an, men yo pa t di ke 90% popilasyon an apiye Aristide. Li fasil pou w fè yon move entèpretasyon de resilta yon survey, si survey sa pat fèt pou sa ke w bezwen itilize l lan. Yon ezanp, mwen ka mande w eske wou apiye lagè an Afghanistan an, mwen plis kwè ke w ka di "NON". Men sa pa vle di ke w te "aplodi" zak teworis 11 Septanm 2001 an. Antouka, se sa ke mwen espere.

Alòs se pou yo separe FONKSYON lan LETA menm si nou pa gen apwi pou sa.

Pa genyen moun ki te montre sa, se sa ki fè zafè negosyasyon bay mon pòs nan gouvènman an pa t janm mache. Aristide te bezwen pase ti bè nan bouch moun pou yo te ka fèman zye yo sou rejim sanginè li an. Objektif lan se te re-òganize eleksyon lib e libè, e sa p at posib ak Aristide nan tèt pouvwa a. Se ta tankou bay chat veye bè.

Si nou si ke nou t ap rapòte tout syèj yo, poukisa nou te fè koken? Objektif Aristide se pa t genyen eleksyon an, se te pito genyen "totalite" vòt yo pa nenpòt ki mwayen. Renmen tout, pèdi tout. Lè w twò saf, w ap mouri gonfle.

M ap repete w ankò, se pa nonb de syèj ke lavalas "genyen" ki te pwoblèm nan, se koken ke yo fè an ki vinn bay 29 Fevriye 2004. Pèp lan te vote nan ki fason pou moun eli nan pòs leta. Si nou pa t respekte yo, se nou menm ki te bay koudeta elektoral. E 29 Fevriye pwouve sa. Pa genyen okenn "SPRAGUE" ki ka eskplike kòman yon rejim ki di ke pèp lan te vote yo a plis ke 90% epi pou yon ponyen rebèl pran kontwol menm peyi saa nan mwens ke 2 semèn nan kondisyon ke nou konnen.

Nou toujou ap pale de CIA, Boujwa, lajan, IRI, Repibliken, ak Militè Dominiken kwèdèk! Men pa genyen youn nan nou ki ka esplike fenomèn kijan fè pèp lan te fè REZISTANS an 1991 malgre ke te genyen 7.000 militè, 15.000 atache, ak plis ke 100.000 manb FRAPH; epoutan yo pa pete nan koton bay Aristide lè se 50 nèg san "IDANTITE NASYONAL" ki t ap pran kontwòl peyi an malgre ke LAVALAS te di ke menm pèp saa te vote yo a plis ke 90% 3 lane de sa.

Le jou youn nan nou bay yon eskplikasyon valab pou sa, mwen ap bay legen. Men, an atandan ke nou fè sa, sispann bafwe moun ak radòt "SPRAGUE" yo.

Nou mèt leve tèt nou frape atè, vrè konplotè nan depa Aristide an 2004 lan, se te pèp Ayisyen an.

Oo!YEAH!

Vrè konplotè yo ,se te AYISYEN?
Ki sa 200 SOLDA ""SPECIAL FORCES"" LAME AMERIKEN an t ap fè bò fwontyè an ;kilès yo t ap antrene .Se te lan zòn kote PHILIPPE ak LÒT yo te travèse fwontyè.
Se yon ansyen KAPTENN ""SPECIAL FORCES"" ki rele STAN GOFF ki t al ankete sou aktivite PARAMILITÈ yo an DOMINIKANI .Misye te pale ak JENERAL DOMINIKEN NOBLES ESPEJO.

""According to ESPEJO,a military base not far from the border called CONSTANZA,was normally home to a battalion of what they call CASTADORES which is like ""RANGERS"" or ""SHOCK INFANTRY"".One batallion was stationned here.
At one point in the year 2000,they amplified that ;they transferred two additionnal batallions of CASTADORES over to CONSTANZA.They did this ,because the people of the town of CONSTANZA already knew the people that were assigned there.Any new faces would stand out ,but by bringing in two additional batallions from other bases into CONSTANZA,They overwhelmed the community with a bunch of new soldiers and mixing with those new soldiers were THE HAITIAN PARAMILITARIES who were wearing Dominican Uniforms,integrated into the Dominican UNITS,and receiving training with the Dominican military

Alòs ,monami lè w ap pale de NÈG ak FIZI M1 yo ;konn de ki sa w ap pale epitou ou si ke tout NÈG ki te travèse FWONTYÈ an ,se te AYISYEN yo te ye?

Se sak fè mwen di ke PI GWO ZAM ke nou genyen se kontwòl RADYO yo.
Lan tout AMERIK lan .apa de KIBA;se ann AYITI sèlman FENOMÈN SA A EKZISTE TOUJOU!

Joel, ou gen anpil pasyans wi frè m! Ki fè 50 "freedom fighters" yo fè yon revolisyon epi menm kaporal yo pa ye nan "pouvwa" tou nèf la?

M ap mande mwen ki kalite dwog CIA bay mesye sa yo ki fè yo vin kwè pwop manti yo anko!

Etranje abiye konze yo, mete zam fannfwa nan men yo, pase yo lod masakre nèg NWA parèy yo, esklizivman...menm jan yomenm anko yo deklare sa san okenn konsiderasyon.

"you have one section of the black population which is
now aligned with and making money with the rich. Not much, but more than
they could make as a farmer cutting mangoes. So now they have a gun and are
in control. They’re making a few bucks. The rich tell them to go out and
take down some village, shoot up a couple of people, chop their face off,
leave them in the street, and they’ll do it.”

Sous: AN INSIDE LOOK AT HAITI’S BUSINESS ELITE, An Interview with Patrick James
http://www.forumhaiti.com/t13076-who-wants-to-resurrect-the-haitian-army-and-why

Lè yo konsidere yon tchoul deranjan - tankou Ravix parekzanp, yo touye li san okenn jennman...epi nèg ap kontinye pale komsi se militè yo te ye nan yon lame nasyonal vre. Ki enmi nou janm konbat pou defann nasyon an? Masak kriminèl sa yo fè sou zon fwontyè a, se bagay makab. Jeb Sprague dekri yon pati nan krim sa yo. Timoun nan tete yo touye, yo vyole jenn timoun apre sa yo tire 2 bal nan sèks timoun nan. Se jeneral yon lame nasyonalis ki komèt krim konsa? Konbyen bal yo janm tire kont militè etranje, kit se sou teritwa Ayiti, kit se an dominikani kote detanzantan yo masakre kèk Ayisyen? Okontrè, se dominiken menm k ap ede yo vin masakre fanmi yo, epi mesye sa yo di yo te Forces Armées d'Haiti. Adye!

Monchè Joel, mwen regrèt lasyans pa ka ede nou vwayaje nan tan ak espas pou jenerasyon sa a ta kapab wè modèl vrè militè Ayisyen ki t ap goumen pou kichoy ki sakre tout bon vre. Parekzanp, nan ane 1805, lè Dessalines pran zam epi li mache kont Ferrand nan Santo Domingo, se paske zobogi chen franse sa a te dekrete timoun nèg ki gen mwen pase 12 zan se piyay pou nenpot blan fè sa tounen esklav....Mesyedam sa yo te militè AYISYEN. Yo te merite grad Jeneral, Lyetnan elatriye. Alèkile nèg ki aksepte lod masakre pwop fanmi yo, kouzin yo, vwazen yo, peyizan parèy yo ap klewonen blan te ba yo zepolèt sou inifom yo. Nomal yo ba ou grad. Ou pa konnen nan Code Noir la yo te deklare "si ou pa batize katolik Apostolik Women, ou pa ka jwenn grad chèf esklav!. E byen se nomal tout konze se bon katolik ak gwo grad!

Se pa pou dat siy yo te klè:

"The U.S. occupation was supposed to ensure elite control of the Haitian
peasantry and foreign control of the Haitian elite," according to Haitian
historian Patrick Bellegarde-Smith.”

And, finally, this eerie prediction from the author:

“Aristide has been set up to fail, and when he does, the old guard, the
"elite" with their "cruel ways," will return to power with the blessing of
the U.S. government”.

Tyeke yon tèks mwen te ekri depi 2002 - pandan Konze yo t ap fè djob sal yo te ba yo fè a : http://www2.webster.edu/~corbetre/haiti-archive-new/msg13086.html

JAF;
Sèl bagay mwen gen dwa di de atik lan ;sè ke se an 2002 ou te ekri l;paske gen de NON ou mete sou lis lan ,yo osi koupab de sa k te pase an 2004 lan ke AJAN ENPERYALIS yo ,ki te travèse FWONTYÈ an ,an 2004.

Yon lòt bagay ou ka di de mesye sa yo ;gouvènman MEJIA te kowonpi kòm lwisèl ;te gen yon zafè 2 MILYA DOLA AMERIKEN ki te disparèt lan yon ESKANDAL BANKÈ lan RD ;se te zanmi MEJIA yo ki te disparèt lajan an.
Sèl bagay ZÒT ap pran zam lan men DOMINIKEN yo ak lòt PATWON pou yo devaste peyi yo ;men mwen pa t wè ke MILITÈ DOMINIKEN yo te bay MEJIA koudeta non.
Byen ke LAME sa a te apiye rejim KWAZI-DIKTATORYAL BALAGUER an ;dènye KOUDETA yo te bay ,se te an 1965

Mesye! Pou fanatik yo genyen nen pou y ap rele lòt sektè "konze"? Pandan ke se yo ki te mande lòt peyi fè envazyon nan peyi an pandan 2 fwa? Ala ti nèg yo genyen nen konpè.

Kontinye resite "SPRAGUE", men youn pa ka eksplike kòman fè pèp yo di ki te vote yo an te fè rete chita sou blòk glas lè lavalas te pi bezwen yo.

Joel, ni wou ni rès yo pa ka bay tout moun manti. Zafè 200 "fòs espesyal" ke w ap pale la yo se radòt, se sèl Ayisyen kite mate bounda chimè lavalas an 2004. Te genyen fòs espesyal epi pa genyen menm yon moun ki te fè yon foto? Pa genyen yon zye ki te wè yo? Se sèl "temwen" SPRAGUE yo ki te wè yo?

Mezanmi! Nèg sa yo pa konnen ki teyori pou yo anplwaye ankò pou yo ka siye afwon ak tout souflèt marasa ke pèp Ayisyen an te flanke yo an 2004. Yo sòti pou yo minimize Ayisyen nan revòlt 2004 lan. Yo te mèt leve kò yo frape l atè, moun ki genyen bon sans e ki pa kite fanatism souye sèvo yo ap konprann ke sa ki te fèt an 2004 lan pa t ap posib san konplisite majorite pèp Ayisyen an. Peryòd!

Ou fè ekspre pou w melanje bagay yo.
SPRAGUE pa di ke te gen FÒS ESPESYAL ki te lan mitan SOLDA LA LIBÈTE W yo.
Li di ke te gen fòs espesyal lan ZÒN lan e li te nonmen lan ki OPERASYON yo te ye.
Si w pa konnen ;yo rele FÒS ESPESYAL ""FÒS MILTIPLIKATÈ""
An tan n ap pale la a ;siman gen mesye sa yo ki ap opere lan IRAN.
Se pou w etidye lòt koudeta ki fèt lan AMERIK lan ;tankou KOUDETA kont JACOBO ARBENZ an 1954 lan e KOUDETA kont JOAO GOULART 10 zan apre,an 1964 lan BREZIL.
Ou gen dwa tou al li TEMWAYAJ ,CHÈF CIA a lepòk ki te rele HELMS ;sou KOUDETA kont SALVADOR ALLLENDE an ,an 1973.

THUNDER;
Zafè ke te gen moun ki te rele TWOUP AMERIKEN pandan 2 FWA ,di sa sou RADYO ann AYITI yo e moun ki kwè lan TONTON NWÈL.

Men tou sispann pale de 50 NÈG ak FIZI M1;se ABSOLIMAN FO e lè mwendi ,eske tout NÈG YO se te AYISYEN m ap pale de SOLDA DOMINIKEN.
Ou kapab distenge DOMINIKEN yo ,de AYISYEN yo?
Si te gen yon REZISTANS kont mesye PHILIPPE yo ou t ap wè.
Lan GUATEMALA ,twoup ki te FIDÈL a ARBENZ yo te defèt mesye CASTILO ARMAS yo ;men sa pa t anpeche ke yo te ranvèse l.

Lan bagay ke se pa t AYISYEN sèlman ki te ranvèse ARISTIDE ;PETER HALLWARD ki se yon ANGLE ,reprann menm TÈZ lan lan LIV li an ""DAMING THE FLOOD,HAITI AND THE POLITICS OF CONTAIMENT""

La reconstitution de l’armée haïtienne
De Jeb Sprague
Global Research, 14 décembre 2012
lautjournal.info


Le Gouvernement haïtien prépare le retour de l’armée haïtienne, pourtant dissoute, qui a été une institution coupable de nombreux crimes perpétrés dans le pays. Au moment, des unités spéciales de la police ont été utilisées pour chasser les victimes du tremblement de terre hors des campements de fortune.

Alors que la société civile et les organisations populaires d’Haïti mènent une campagne contre un éventuel retour de l’ère de la répression duvaliériste, les citoyens américains, dominicains, et français devraient être mis au courant de l’appui historique que leur gouvernement a donné aux forces armées militaires et paramilitaires haïtiennes, ainsi qu’aux forces de sécurité.

La formation d’une nouvelle force militaire moderne a commencé lors de l’occupation nord-américaine entre 1915 et 1934. Une fois que les militaires nord-américains se sont assurés que l’occupation pouvait continuer par procuration, les États Unis se sont retirés de l’île. Au début des années 60, les marines nord-américains ont entrainé les Tonton Macoutes et en ont fait la force paramilitaire redoutée du dictateur François « Papa Doc » Duvalier.

Lorsque le fils de Duvalier, Jean Claude, a pris le pouvoir en 1971, les anciens marines nord-américains ont entraîné et équipé un corps de l’armée brutal appelé les Léopards. Ces instructeurs travaillaient pour une compagnie de Miami, qui était alors sous contractée par la CIA, le tout sous la surveillance du Département d’État Américain. La France a également soutenu le régime duvaliériste.

Dès l’inauguration du premier gouvernement démocratiquement élu d’Haïti, en février 1991, ces criminels paramilitaires de renom sont entrés dans la clandestinité.

Cependant, sept mois plus tard, les forces militaires du pays organisent un coup d’état contre le président élu démocratiquement, Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Une nouvelle organisation paramilitaire se crée, le FRAPH, et lance une vague de terreur sur le pays.

Après des années de mobilisation et de pression sur le gouvernement étatsunien et sur l’Organisation des Nations Unies, la démocratie haïtienne est restaurée en 1994. L’armée (intrinsèquement liée aux paramilitaires) est dissoute et des procédures judiciaires commencent.

Et, pourtant, certains diplomates nord-américains ont exercé de fortes pressions pour l’inclusion de certains anciens militaires à des postes importants dans la nouvelle force de police haïtienne.

Comme le souligne alors l’ONG Human Rights Watch dans un rapport, les États-Unis ont utilisé une partie de cette nouvelle force policière contre les mouvements populaires du pays.

Il convient de souligner également que les forces militaires ont contrôlé pendant des décennies le narcotrafic et, après la dissolution de l’armée, une partie de l’élite et des anciens militaires (dont certains sont aujourd’hui parmi la police) se sont disputé le contrôle du trafic de la cocaïne.

En 2000, un groupe d’anciens soldats connus sous le nom des « Équatoriens » (un groupe d’officiers ayant reçu une formation à Quito, en Équateur, bénéficiant de relations étroites avec les États-Unis) ont démontré comment l’influence étatsunienne sur les forces de sécurité haïtiennes, loin de les réformer, a produit l’effet inverse. À la fin de l’année 2000, ce groupe a lancé une guerre d’usure paramilitaire sur Haïti.

Plus tard, d’autres se sont rapprochés des paramilitaires, dont de riches leaders d’entreprises de textile haïtiennes, des néo-duvaliéristes, une poignée de fonctionnaires opportunistes du gouvernement haïtien, une partie du ministère dominicain des Affaires étrangères et de l’armée dominicaine.

Les documents récemment déclassifiés grâce au Freedom Of Information Act (FOIA), ainsi que des entretiens ont également révélé le très probable soutien des agences de renseignements étatsuniennes et françaises.

Utilisant la République Dominicaine comme base, les paramilitaires ont pu amplifier leurs opérations meurtrières et, en 2004 ils ont joué un rôle clé dans le coup d’État qui a renversé le deuxième gouvernement d’Aristide.

L’Organisation des États Américains (OEA) et les États-Unis n’ont pas contraint la République Dominicaine à extrader ou à détenir les paramilitaires haïtiens qui utilisaient le territoire dominicain.

Peu de temps après le coup d’état, les procédures judiciaires à l’encontre des paramilitaires ont été suspendues. Les « commanditaires » des escadrons de la mort ont bénéficié d’une totale impunité.

Par la suite, 400 membres de la force paramilitaire ont été incorporés à la police remaniée sous la supervision des États-Unis, de l’ONU et de l’OEA. Nous connaissons aujourd’hui ces informations secrètes de l’ambassade étatsunienne par les révélations de WikiLeaks.

Une certaine inquiétude est exprimée par l’ambassade des États Unis sur les paramilitaires, mais la politique fondamentale n’a jamais été remise en question : les personnes ayant perpétré de crimes graves et ayant renversé un gouvernement démocratiquement élu peuvent être intégrées dans la police sans être tenu responsables de leurs crimes.

Suite au tremblement de terre de 2010 et à la polémique, en 2011 lors de élections de Michel Martelly (allié duvaliériste), une campagne a vu le jour pour recréer l’armée haïtienne. La France a offert son appui financier, le Brésil et l’Équateur ont proposé, quant à eux d’entraîner les troupes.

De récentes études réalisées par société civile ont montré que la grande majorité de la population est en désaccord, voire en profond désaccord avec la reconstitution de l’armée.

Il est temps que les citoyens des États-Unis, France, Canada, la République Dominicaine et d’autres pays se penchent avec attention sur ce que fait leur gouvernement à Haïti.

Le Congrès des États Unis a besoin d’être plus attentif quant aux fonds alloués à Haïti par le Département des Affaires extérieures; à savoir que ces fonds ne portent en aucun cas atteinte à la démocratie de ce pays, et ne servent plus à affaiblir le système judiciaire et à encourager l’impunité pour les criminels duvaliéristes et leurs alliés.

Les mouvements sociaux en France, en République Dominicaine, au Canada, tout comme ceux des États-Unis, doivent demander des comptes aux autorités responsables, de leurs délits à l’étranger. Les mouvements populaires doivent créer et renforcer les liens qu’ils ont avec les mouvements haïtiens, en s’opposant aux coups d’état et à la violence paramilitaire.

Jeb Sprague

Pour plus d’informations, voir ici: http://monthlyreview.org/press/books/pb3003/

Jeb Sprague est l’auteur du nouveau livre, « Paramilitarisme et l’Assaut sur la Démocratie en Haïti »

Sanble ke LIV lan deja tradwi an FRANSE.
Mesyedam lan kot WÈS yo pa lan rans.Se yomenm ki fòse gouvènman ameriken an lage ESKADWON LANMÒ lan AMERIK SANTRAL yo ;se sa ki fè ELEKSYON lan peyi sa yo ka fèt lib e libè jounen jodi an.
Sa ak ekspoze ,yon pwofesè lan NEW YORK UNIVERSITY te fè sou ESKADWON LAN MÒ GUATEMALA yo e KONEKSYON yo ak CIA.

Mesyedam sa yo pa dakò ak sa gouvènman yo ap fè lan NON yo!

POU MOUN KI RAYI ARISTIDE YO ;FOR THE ARISTIDE HATERS:

IT IS EQUALLY PLAUSIBLE THAT ARISTIDE SUCCEEDED IN PERMANENTLY RAISING THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CONSCIOUSNESS (NOT TO MENTION THE EXPECTATIONS) OF HAÍTI'S DISADVANTAGED MASSES AND THUS CREATED A FORCE WHICH THE NEXT GENERATION OF POLITICAL LEADERS WILL EITHER HAVE TO PLACATE OR MANIPULATE
(JAMES FOLEY ,U.S EMBASSADOR TO HAITI-CITÉ PAR JEFF SPRAGUE)

Joel a écrit:Ou fè ekspre pou w melanje bagay yo.
SPRAGUE pa di ke te gen FÒS ESPESYAL ki te lan mitan SOLDA LA LIBÈTE W yo.
Li di ke te gen fòs espesyal lan ZÒN lan e li te nonmen lan ki OPERASYON yo te ye.
Si w pa konnen ;yo rele FÒS ESPESYAL ""FÒS MILTIPLIKATÈ""
An tan n ap pale la a ;siman gen mesye sa yo ki ap opere lan IRAN.
Se pou w etidye lòt koudeta ki fèt lan AMERIK lan ;tankou KOUDETA kont JACOBO ARBENZ an 1954 lan e KOUDETA kont JOAO GOULART 10 zan apre,an 1964 lan BREZIL.
Ou gen dwa tou al li TEMWAYAJ ,CHÈF CIA a lepòk ki te rele HELMS ;sou KOUDETA kont SALVADOR ALLLENDE an ,an 1973.

THUNDER;
Zafè ke te gen moun ki te rele TWOUP AMERIKEN pandan 2 FWA ,di sa sou RADYO ann AYITI yo e moun ki kwè lan TONTON NWÈL.

Men tou sispann pale de 50 NÈG ak FIZI M1;se ABSOLIMAN FO e lè mwendi ,eske tout NÈG YO se te AYISYEN m ap pale de SOLDA DOMINIKEN.
Ou kapab distenge DOMINIKEN yo ,de AYISYEN yo?
Si te gen yon REZISTANS kont mesye PHILIPPE yo ou t ap wè.
Lan GUATEMALA ,twoup ki te FIDÈL a ARBENZ yo te defèt mesye CASTILO ARMAS yo ;men sa pa t anpeche ke yo te ranvèse l.

Lan bagay ke se pa t AYISYEN sèlman ki te ranvèse ARISTIDE ;PETER HALLWARD ki se yon ANGLE ,reprann menm TÈZ lan lan LIV li an ""DAMING THE FLOOD,HAITI AND THE POLITICS OF CONTAIMENT""

Mwen pa melanje anyen. Si te genyen èd etranje konnen se te èd lojistik. Se sèl Ayisyen ki t ap fè chimè kraze rak. Wou pa ka ban m manti, mwen te la.

Wi! Aristide wou an te mande envazyon peyi an 2 fwa nan 10 lane. Men, 2ièm fwa a yo pa t pete nan koton ba l santi. Wou bliye lè l t ap rele : "VINI VIT".

Fwa saa ti kòk, blan an pa t genyen kalòj blende. Se pa chak jou ke farinn nan vini nan menm sak.