Men sa Miami Herald di apre vizit Konsil Sekirite ann Ayiti

ONE MAN RULE IN HAITI

U.N. diplomats did their best to put a smiley face on the grim picture in Haiti during a weekend visit, but no amount of diplomatic artistry can conceal the ugly truth: Haiti is back to one-man rule, and no one can say how long it will last.

The high-profile visit by representatives of the U.N. Security Council, including U.S. Ambassador Samantha Power, was meant to show the international community’s concern over Haiti. Such gestures are helpful, given that the poorest nation in the Western Hemisphere desperately needs the world community’s support to make any progress whatsoever.

But even though it’s customary for visiting dignitaries to say nice things about the host government, the delegation nearly went overboard in praising President Michel Martelly for consulting with the opposition and civil-society groups now that constitutional government has broken down. They were “encouraged,” Ms. Power said, about his promise to keep working at it.

Many discouraged Haitians would beg to differ. Mr. Martelly has been at the center of Haiti’s political turmoil ever since he took office in May 2011. Today, the country is embroiled in a political crisis that has left it with no elected mayors, no head of the Supreme Court and no Chamber of Deputies or working Senate.

A failure to hold elections overdue by more than three years caused the terms of most lawmakers to expire this month. Now Mr. Martelly governs by decree.

The president is not the problem per se. Certainly the electoral impasse cannot be laid solely at his feet. But just as certainly, he’s a big part of it. Throughout his tenure, he has failed to work with adversaries to reach political compromises. His opposition has been just as stubborn, but it’s Mr. Martelly who bears the burden of leadership and during whose watch the country has suddenly regressed to one-man rule.

In an address to the nation days before the U.N. delegation arrived, the president accepted the responsibility for the crisis and promised to reach out to his political opponents to hold credible elections later this year.

That’s a refreshing change, but he’s not off to a good start. He handed all the critical ministries in the interim government to his own followers, including some who would probably be unable to get a clean financial bill of health under provisions of Haiti’s Constitution. Mr. Martelly says he wants to turn the page, yet was about to name a discredited cop to a high government post until the international community warned against it.

All of this suggests Mr. Martelly does not respect the processes of democratic government, which brought him to office, ironically, and often require sharing power with adversaries. Those adversaries, for their part, need to realize that Mr. Martelly is the only president Haiti has. They have to be ready to meet him halfway if he is sincere about reaching out.

The role of the international community in breaking the political stalemate will be crucial, but it doesn’t help when the community’s representatives offer blind support for the president. Diplomats face a credibility problem because they’re seen as enablers instead of impartial mediators.

As he enters the last year of his tenure, Mr. Martelly’s main task is to restore political trust in Haiti. He has a chance to be one of the best presidents Haiti has had by staging free, fair and transparent elections — not for himself or a protégé, but for all candidates. If he fails, he will end up as ill-regarded as some of his terrible predecessors. Or worse.

Read more here: http://www.miamiherald.com/opinion/editorials/article8195751.html#storylink=cpy

Men kòmantè mwen voye pou yo, anwetan tit la, dekwa pou yo pa pran sa kòm eskiz epi bloke m:

BOSSES USE MARTELLY AS KLEENEX !

"The foreign forces in Haiti are not merely "seen to be" in collusion with Martelly, the objective facts clearly indicate that they imposed him upon the Haitian population through an illegal process. U.S. diplomats, UN and OAS officials manipulated the ballots in order to propel Martelly to the presidency in 2011.

It is cynical - beyond ironic - that Martelly's puppet masters are now feigning to admonish him towards democracy. When former high-rank OAS official Ricardo Seitenfus spoke out against the foreign-led electoral coup d'etat he saw his organization partaking in, the OAS fired the Brazilian diplomat.

Dr. Ginette Cherubin, a member of the Haitian Electoral Council who oversaw these rigged elections published a book "le ventre pourri de la bête" (the rotten belly of the beast), in which she describes in ample detail the illegal machinations of the U.S., the U.N and the OAS during the fake elections they financed, organized, and controlled.
Dr. Cherubin reminds us that said election results were never signed by the Electoral Council, which is the only body authorized to do so. It was the foreign puppet masters who declared Martelly "President of Haiti". I interviewed Dr. Cherubin as recently as October 2014 and she still stands by these grave assertions which corroborate studies done by several authors. Justin Podur dubs the current regime "Haiti' s new foreign dictatorship".

The real dictators running Haiti as a neo-plantation, live in Washington, Ottawa and Europe. Martelly is a convenient cover for their collective failures and/or misdeeds in Haiti.


Jean Saint-Vil (Jafrikayiti), Haitian-Canadian author and radio host

It is unbelievable when a Haitian president is a house slave or a puppet of the superpowers how they think about the Constitution and the respect of his mandate. I am wondering how many fo these people would like Martelly to be their President after all the violations of the Constitution of the country he has perpetrated , and the corruption that is so prevalent to the point his own brother in law and cousin admit that the Martelly/Lamothe government is corrupt.

Why are they so tolerant toward Martelly and they hate Jean bertrand Aristide so much?

Why are they so tolerant toward Martelly and they hate Jean bertrand Aristide so much?

Rozo, kouman w ye?

Mwen te sigjere ke rezon wa p mande an se paske Aristid pat lan niche bòt blan ki fè li pa t janm fini manda l yo. Gen yon nèg ki te mande anraje Kòz de sa. Toulòtjou laa.

Nou tout konen ke Ilari te kouri vin chanje rezilta eleksyon yo malgre li te gen anpil pwoblèm avèk Irak.
Gen bagay moun sayo konnen ke nou pa konnen: kijan k fè Ayiti te pi enpòtan pase Irak lè saa?

Sasaye ekri: "kijan k fè Ayiti te pi enpòtan pase Irak lè saa?"

Sa, se yon kesyon fondamantal pou yon moun konprann kontèks monte desann k ap fèt la a yo !

Sassaye nou la wi ki jan w ye ?

leslie Pean ekri yon atik dimanch lan ki bay anpil eksplikatyon pou ki sa yo rayi Aristide e yo renmen Martelly. dapre atik la se te pou rezoud infliyans drud dilè kolombyen yo te genyen nan bidonvil yo ki fè meriken pa vle wè Aristide .Men se pa sel rezon saa.

Jaf,
Lanmenm liy kestyon sayo, mwen toujou ak mande m kijan k fè Ayiti, ki dapreyo se peyi ki pi pòv, pi aryere lan emisfè a, lan la près entènasyonal, toulejou?

Ayiti gen plis repòtaj ke anpil gwo peyi devlope. Mwen chita HongKong, mwen recevwa nouvèl evenman Ayiti regilyèman lan CCTV ki ta tankou CNN pou chinwa yo. Gen depèch sou Ayiti ki soti ann End.

Rozo,
Ebyen nou la, nap gade sak ap pase, men mwen pa gen oken espwa ke anyen pral regle lan peyi nou. Sèl jan pou ta gen chanjman, se yon revolisyon kiltirèl ki pou fèt. Natirèlman se an kreyòl pou l ye. Paske, jan nèg an reta lan tèt yo, ki kote peyi an pral jwen lidè ki pwogresis ak endepandan?

Kiba sot pase 50 an anba anbago, men kounyea lap souri paske tout pasyans ak tout pèseverans yo bay yon rezilta ki bayo la viktwa.
Se pa yo ki al fè chen lan pye meriken. Se meriken ki bouke ak yon mouvman nil epi ki wè ke tout lòt peyi ap fè biznis ak Kiba e yo pa ladann.
Kiben yo lan negosyasyon egalego ak yo e premye kondisyon yo se youn pa antre lan zafè entèn lòt.
Kifè, sousou pa peye. Sousou toujou rete anba tab.

Mwen pa li atik Lesli Peyan n, men mwen pa dakò ak rezon l bay lan.
Ou te deja bay repons lan: enpersyalis pa sipòte gouvènman ki ap defann enterè pèp yo. Paske enterè pèp pa enterè payo.
Map mete yon atik ki trè fyab ki demontre sak fè meriken trete Ayiti tankou yon parya. Se yon ajans meriken menm ki fè rechèch sou sa.
Kenbe la.

Atik saa pibliye pa GLOBAL RESEARCH.
Se yon atik ki te ekri an 1993, men yo fenk repibliye l pou mete lè pwen si lè zi.


THE CIA’S HAITIAN CONNECTION

by Dennis Bernstein and Howard Levine

San Francisco Bay Guardian, 11/3/93

Although the Clinton administration insists it is making every effort to return ousted Haitian president Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power, covert connections between Haiti’s military junta and the CIA may be helping to keep the regime in place.

Confidential government documents obtained by the Bay Guardian show that the CIA helped establish and finance Haiti’s powerful National Intelligence Service, which played a key role in the 1991 coup and continues to provide paramilitary muscle for the anti-Aristide dictatorship. As recently as February 1993, a confidential congressional report described the NIS as “working closely” with the CIA.

The documents-along with interviews with members of Congress, senior administration sources, and a high-ranking member of Aristide’s cabinet-in-exile-raise troubling questions about Clinton’s policy toward the tiny, impoverished Caribbean nation and provide strong evidence to support critics who claim the United States is giving little more than lip service to the cause of Haitian democracy.

Among other things, the Bay Guardian has learned:

Haitian Lt. Col. Joseph Michel Francois-the reputed kingpin behind the military junta-was trained at a clandestine U.S. Army combat facility known as the “coup school,” whose alumni also include jailed Panamanian dictator Manuel Noriega and former Salvadoran president Roberto d’Aubuisson.

Paramilitary death squads controlled by Francois and Frank Romain, the former mayor of Port-au-Prince, are carrying out what some critics call a systematic attempt to wipe out Aristide’s base of support, making it difficult if not impossible for the ousted president to reclaim political power. The death squads, known as attaches have been linked to roughly 4,000 murders since the coup.

Former Haitian officials and congressional sources link Francois and the NIS to a massive drug-smuggling and money-laundering operation that sends at least a billion dollars worth of cocaine a year to the United States. Aristide’s attempt to crack down on the drug ring may have helped spark the coup-and since the military junta took power, cocaine exports have soared.

In fact, a U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency operative who was investigating an NIS officer allegedly involved in drug smuggling had to flee Haiti in 1992 after receiving death threats on a private telephone line with a secret number known only to a few top government officials.

At least two senior members of Congress, Rep. Charles Rangel and Rep. Major Owens, both New York Democrats, told the Bay Guardian they have enough reason to suspect CIA involvement in the Aristide coup that they are calling for a full congressional investigation.

HALF HEARTED EFFORTS

As the crisis in Haiti drags on and the military junta refuses to relinquish power, critics have charged that the United States is making only token efforts to restore Aristide to office.

Larry Burns, an analyst at the Washington, D.C.-based Council on Hemispheric Relations, pointed out that the United States has not fully participated in the United Nations embargo of Haiti (unlike most other countries, the U.S. has exempted its own companies in Haiti from the embargo). It’s also curious, he told the Bay Guardian, that the Clinton administration has failed to make a public issue of the military regime’s role in drug trafficking-a tactic that the Bush administration used extensively to discredit Panama’s Manuel Noriega.

“You would think that the White House would want, as one of its major points, to pin the drug tail on the military donkey in Haiti,” Burns said. “It would be their best opportunity to rally the American people to a pro-Aristide position. Yet they never used it.”

White House Deputy Press Secretary Don Steinberg told the Bay Guardian that “there’s nothing halfhearted about our administration’s commitment to returning democracy to Haiti and Aristide to power.”

“We sent military trainers to Haiti, we’ve supported the embargo, and we’ve fully supported the Governor’s Island accords,” which were supposed to lead to Aristide’s return, Steinberg said. “This administration has not for a second coddled Francois or Cedras.” Lt. Gen. Raoul Cedras heads the military junta.

But Rep. John Conyers (D-Mich.) said he was worried that the administration’s silence on the military’s connection to the drug trade would only embolden the junta and tighten its grip on power.

“We have turned a very deaf ear to what is obviously a moving force,” he said. “It leads you to wonder if our silence is because we knew this was going on and that our complicity in drug activity may parallel the accusations that were raised about our involvement in drug activities-that is, our government and the Central Intelligence Agency’s-during the Vietnam conflict.”

Although they admit they have no hard evidence, both Rangel and Aristide’s exiled interior minister, Patrick Elie, told the Bay Guardian they see shadows of the ClA’s hidden hand behind the September 1991 coup, which overthrew Aristide after only seven months in office.

“I don’t have a specific answer as to whether the CIA was involved,” Rangel said. “But I do know that our feelings against Aristide were made pretty clear before the coup.”

Rangel was referring to the Bush administration’s open backing of former World Bank official Marc Bizan against Aristide. But in a show of popular support that caught the Bush administration by surprise, Aristide received 67.5 percent of the vote, while Bizan captured only 13 percent.

Elie told the Bay Guardian that the relationship between the CIA and Haiti’s National Intelligence Service went far beyond mere cooperation.

“In fact,” he said “the NIS was created by the Central Intelligence Agency. It was created by it and funded by it.”

Elie, whose job included oversight of the NIS, launched an investigation shortly after taking office that revealed that the CIA had covertly given the NIS $500,000-twice what the U.S. government was providing Haiti overtly for drug interdiction.

He said that although the NIS was supposed to be used to combat drug smugglers, “in fact, all the NIS has done has been political repression and spying on Haitians.”

Records of the Drug Enforcement Administration confirm that the NIS operates with CIA assistance. According to a confidential DEA document titled “Drug Trafficking in Haiti,” presented to members of Congress in February 1993 and obtained by the Bay Guardian, the NIS “is a covert counter-narcotics intelligence unit which often works in unison with the CIA.”

On Sept. 26, 1992, the report states, the DEA itself was driven from Haiti when its main agent was forced to flee the country after receiving death threats. DEA attaché Tony Greco received the threats on his private line in the U.S. embassy, “given out to only a few trusted individuals,” the memo says, within a week of his providing information that led to the arrest of a NIS officer for drug trafficking. “The unidentified threat,” the report states, “came from an individual who claims to control many Haitian soldiers in the narcotics distribution trade.”

Rep. Major Owens (D-N.Y.), who chairs the Congressional Black Caucus task force on Haiti, told the Bay Guardian: “I worry about the CIA having had a role in the overthrow of the Aristide government. The Congressional Black Caucus has joined with congressman Joseph Kennedy (D-Mass.) in calling for a full-scale investigation. “

Bay Guardian phone calls to the CIA headquarters in Langley, Va., were not returned. Steinberg said he knew nothing about possible CIA involvement in the coup and was “hearing about it for the first time.” He refused to comment on the allegations of drug smuggling.

THE SCHOOL OF COUPS

Rangel, who has traveled several times to Haiti and is close to the deposed administration of Aristide, told the Bay Guardian that although Cedras heads the junta, Francois, who is also Port-au-Prince’s chief of police, wields the real power.

Francois, Rangel said, “has been targeted as being directly responsible for the recent murder of [Justice Minister] Guy Malary,” who was dragged out of church, beaten, and killed on Oct. 14.

Michel Francois learned some of his skills right here in the United States. He is a graduate of the U.S. Army’s School of the Americas (SOA), which Father Roy Bourgeois, founder of SOA Watch in Columbus Georgia, described as a “combat and counterinsurgency training facility for soldiers from Central and South America and the Caribbean.”

White House spokesperson Steinberg didn’t deny that Francois had attended the Army training school. “But just because he graduated from SOA doesn’t mean he has U.S. government intelligence connections,” Steinberg said. “A lot of people graduate from that school.”

Bourgeois said SOA was founded in 1946 and operated in Panama until it was kicked out in 1984 as part of the canal treaty. It was reestablished in Ft. Benning, Ga.

“In Latin America,” he said, “it’s known as La Escuela de Golpes, the school of coups,” because of the achievements of some of its 55,000 graduates, including d’Aubuisson; Noriega, who is serving 40 years in federal prison for drug trafficking; Gen. Hugo Banzer, who ruled as Bolivia’s dictator from 1971 to 1978; and Hector Gramajo, Guatemala’s former defense minister who helped oversee years of

brutal repression in that country and was the guest speaker at SOA’s graduation in December 1991.

On March 15, 1993, the United Nations Truth Commission released its report on El Salvador and, Bourgeois said, “about 75 percent of the officers cited in the most serious massacres, including the killing of six Jesuit priests, the assassination of Archbishop Oscar Romero, and the rape and murder of four U.S. nuns, were SOA graduates.”

Bay Guardian calls to SOA were not returned.

DRUG MONEY

The coup and resulting embargo may have left thousands of Haitians dead and created terrible hardship for many thousands more, but it’s apparently been quite profitable for the drug traffickers.

According to a Feb. 10, 1993, memo from one of Conyers’ congressional staffers, a copy of which was obtained by the Bay Guardian, “the wholesale value of Haiti’s drug industry on the U.S. market is now equal to $1 billion a year, which equals the entire revenue of Haiti’s population of six million.

“Haiti has become the second most important transshipment point, after the Bahamas, for cocaine shipments from Colombia to the U.S.,” the memo states.

The DEA’s “Drug Trafficking in Haiti” document also says that Haiti is believed to be a main center for laundering of drug money.

One of Elie’s key tasks was to have been overseeing the drug interdiction efforts, and he had developed an extensive program that included close cooperation with U.S. agencies. But the program was barely off the ground when the coup drove him into hiding in Haiti-and five months later, into the United States. (He has since fled the U.S., fearing for his life, and called the Bay Guardian from an undisclosed location because he was told there is a $750,000 contract on his head. Three pro-Aristide radio broadcasters have been murdered in Florida.)

“While I was in hiding,” he said, “I monitored Michel Francois over the airwaves directing the landing of a [drug smuggling] plane right in the middle of Port-au-Prince. I immediately notified the U.S. embassy in Port-au-Prince. I was in touch with the CIA main agent there at the time, and I gave him the time and date of that landing.

“I don’t know if he did anything with it. Since the coup, despite our repeated attempts to continue this collaboration with the U.S. as the legitimate government of Haiti, we were met with stonewalling.”

Elie’s account is supported by the memo to Conyers, which stated that after the coup, “all those jailed for drug-trafficking have been released and…Michel Francois has personally supervised the landing of planes carrying drugs and weapons.”

And a September 1992 State Department report titled “International Narcotics Control Strategy Report: Mid-Year Update” noted that “although President Jean-Bertrand Aristide was planning new policies and institutions to combat narcotics trafficking, his ouster…crippled narcotics control efforts in Haiti.”

Meanwhile, observers say, the violence continues-targeted largely at the popular organizations that helped bring Aristide to power. As part of the reign of terror, death lists are being posted in small Haitian villages, Liam Mahoney, an independent human rights monitor in Haiti, told the Bay Guardian by phone on Nov. 3.

The military regime so far has ignored the Governor’s Island accords that on Oct. 30 called for Aristide’s return to power, leading some to speculate that the junta wants to completely destroy Aristide’s power base before they allow him to return-if they allow him to return at all.

“If something is not done soon, there will be no Aristide supporters left,” said Rep. Owens. “They will all be destroyed.”

© Copyright DENNIS BERNSTEIN, AND HOWARD LEVINE 2004. For fair use only/ pour usage équitable seulement.

WI SASAYE;

Se tankou gen 2 MONN PARALEL ;youn lan sa ki ap di depi lontan lan PRES LANG ANGLE e ak yon LOT sa ki ap di lan PRES LANG FRANSE an.
Se rezon sa a de NEG tankou KAKAKOK nou an ap rele ARISTID PABLO.Se PRES GNBis lan misye li ;tout sa w di ,li refize tande e li kontinye ap repete RANS li an.

Le w we yon NEG tankou LARRY BURNS ki di w koneksyon GOUVENMAN AMERIKEN an ak KOUDETAYIS ki lan TRAFIK DWOG yo se pou w poze.
LARRY BURNS gen yon "think tank" ki rele "COHA" ki se (COUNCIL ON HEMISPHERIC AFFAIRS) ,think tank sa a gen ANSYEN AMIRAL,JENERAL A LA RETRET,ANSYEN OFISYE ENTELIJANS elt...
Mesye sa yo konnen de ki sa y ap pale.
RANVESMAN ARISTID lan pa t gen anyen pou l te we as ke li te lan trafik DWOG.
O kontre!
Te gen yon FAKSYON lan ESTABLISHMENT AMERIKEN an ,ki te kwe ke si yo te ranvese ARISTID ,ZILE an t ap tounen yon PARADI pou TRAFIK DWOG.
Se sa ANBASADE BRIAN DEAN CURRAN te ap eseye fe de NEG tankou ROGER NORIEGA konprann ,men NEG sa yo pa gen pwoblem ak TRAFIKAN DWOG ,se te ALYE yo lan GE lan AMERIK SANTRAL yo.
Se te de NEG tankou BRIAN CURRAN ki te opoze RETOU LAME DAYITI ;yo konnen se youn lan rezon ke LAME DOMINIKEN te apiye KOUDETA 2004 lan [yo te deja gen pwoblem ak LAME DOMINIKEN an ,lan zafe DWOG ;si ta gen yon LAME ann AYITI ZILE an t ap vin pi mal ke jan KOLONBI te ye an!
Le NEG tankou GERARD PIERRE CHARLES te apwoche ANBASAD AMERIKEN an,pou ede yo rekonstitye LAME an ,pou ede yo konbat LAVALAS,menm yon NEG tankou KENNETH MERTEN te mande yo si yo FOU;se dapre JEB SPRAGUE.

Zafè drug saa an ayiti se gwo zafè wi. lotrejou la neg yo rete kareman yo fè tout gwo drug dilè ki te nan prison kwadeboukè yo sove.nanpwen moun ki konn kote yo pase. Si se sou Aristide sa te pase ou ta tande koze.

ROZO;

Le w ap li ANALIZ LESLIE PEAN yo ;se pou fe l ak prekosyon;misye toujou gen yon jan pou l pase pran LAVALAS menm le ke LAVALAS pa konsene.
Omwens ,misye fe yon ti pwogre sou LEVANJIL GNBis yo ,le misye di se pa t mesye LAVALAS yo ki t ap distribye ZAM lan KATYE POPILE yo ,se te pito KATEL KOLONBYEN yo.

Men tou PEAN konnen byen ;si l pa blame yon jan ou yon lot ;mesye LAVALAS yo ALTERPRESSE ou byen NOUVELLISTE pa p pibliye ATIK li yo.

LESLIE PEAN di se ISTORYEN li ye ;se pou l komanse pale de ZAK GNBis yo tou ;se le sa a y a pran l o serye