Les Paroles de Jean Dominique:

Ah! Cela est une nouvelle preuve de
l'érosion tragique d'un certain pouvoir de convocation populaire qui se
constate à Port-au-Prince depuis quelques temps. Croyez-vous que vos ennemis ne constatent pas cette érosion?

Thunder, lè mwen li sitasyon Jean Dominique ki anba tèks ou yo, sa fè mwen sonje yon foto George W. Bush k ap fete Kwanza epi k ap site pawol Martin Luther King Jr.

Ala yon lavi se lanmO!

jafrikayiti a écrit:#3563: English version of Jean Dominique's last commentary (CEP/CNO) (fwd)
http://www.webster.edu/~corbetre/haiti-archive/msg03611.html


To: Haiti mailing list
Subject: #3563: English version of Jean Dominique's last commentary (CEP/CNO) (fwd)
From: Robert Corbett
Date: Thu, 11 May 2000 20:21:52 -0700 (PDT)
Sender: owner-haiti@lists.webster.edu

From:Haiti123@aol.com

Translation of last commentary by Jean Dominique on March 27, 2000

"In the light of the concept of free, transparent, democratic and honest
elections, this should be the duty of of impartial observers? However, Mr.
Leopold Berlanger, the Coordinator of the Conseil National d'Observateurs
(CNO), is part of a coalition, working through Vision 2000, which is engaged
in the destruction of Lavalas. First Point.

Second point. The Senator Wesner Emmanuel at this microphone and publicly,
assuming his responsibility as a functioning senator, pointed out that Mr.
Leopold Berlanger (who at that time had no credentials or title relating to
the election process) during the December 16, 1990 presidential elections
convinced a computer operator to change the results of the senatorial
elections for the West. Senator Wesner Emmanuel further stated that he has a
taped recording of this conversation between the employee and Berlanger and
when this employee told Senator Wesner Emmanuel that the results of the
elections are not the ones being announced by the President of the
Departmental Electoral Bureau, Senator Emmanuel replied that he has a tape of
the conversation with Berlanger and that he would publicize this trickery on
the air. The employee considered this and then retreated and said that the
results are correct and then gave the original results.

Voila, so this individual is now a member of a coalition which for five years
has worked virulently with Vision 2000 against the Lavalas movement and this
same person is the head of a national commission to observe the elections
while in 1990 he tried to manipulate the results, and this is the person
President Leon Manus gave the power to receive all information and documents
related to the electoral process that should be sent to him quickly: First
point.

Second point, to have the monopoly of the electoral observers: that all the
national observers accredited by the CEP to observe the elections must be
recommended by the CNO. Total monopoly! This is the second point.

Third point, which is more critical. In the case whereh is no original or a
duplicate available the observer from the CNO can put together a report of
the balloting as he observed it. This report which contains the numbers
written out would be signed by the members of the head of the electoral
bureau and the observer from the CNO. So, here is Mr. Berlanger having the
power to put together the written report of the results of the vote.

Meanwhile, the electoral law is clear in Article 158: the written process of
the balloting is drawn and signed by the members of the electoral bureau and
in some cases by the representative of the party, groups, or political groups
who are officially recognized, or cartels or candidates. The written report
is prepared in at least six formally signed originals. If the representative
of a party, group, or political party, officially recognized, or cartels or
candidates refuse to sign the report, they will state the reason invoked or
alleged for their refusal to sign and these protestations have no immediate
value, and are only for future reference. The refusal to sign a report by
the representative of the electoral bureau has no effect on the validity of
the electoral operations.

The word observer never appears in Article 158. Never!

Article 159: An original of the written report of the balloting is attached
to the door of the electoral bureau by the president of the bureau and the
other originals are distributed as follows: one to the BEC, two to the BED
which transmits one to the CEP, two others go to the two representatives of
the candidates that obtained the largest number of votes.

There is no mention in the electoral law of an original written report or a
copy to be given to an observers named by Berlanger . No mention whatsoever.
The question we are posing now before further analyzing this text, which is
unbelievable, is the following: Is President Manus, the president of the
CEP, qualified to sign an agreement which contradicts the text and the spirit
of the electoral law?

We have noted in the course of the electoral process, with the passion that
you all know we have, the legitimate suspicion that there is a threat to the
process with the successive unpleasant revelations of the role of IFES inside
of the CEP and financed and directly manipulated by USAID. So, these
legitimate suspicions about the CEP are getting larger by that unbelievable
accord with the CNO. The question we are asking is the following: Did
President Manus sign this very important text to give Mr. Leopold Berlanger
the possibility of altering the results of the vote? Is President Manus'
signature in accord with the other eight members of the CEP? I already know
that one of them doesn't even know about the accord.

Secondly, Berlanger, who is the Coordinator General of the CNO, did he check
with the CNO to sign , negotiate and sign the text? Thirdly, it is written in
this agreement that all the documents should be directed to the executive.
Did they send this protocole d'accord to the Executive? I direct this
question to the President of the Republic."

mwens pase 7 jou anvan yo touye li, Jeando se Lavalas li t ap defann
piblikman kont manipilasyon sektè koudetayis tradisyonèl la (blan
tankou Ayisyen!).

The enquiry into Dominique’s death began with several false leads. A few days after he was killed, the body of his murderer was said to have been found, but it proved that the suspect had died three days before the murder. A few weeks later, Bob Lecorps, accused in 1997 of helping to murder justice minister Guy Malary in 1993, was arrested as he tried to cross into the Dominican Republic. He was soon released for want of a link to the Dominique killing.

Nearly 80 people have been questioned by judges Jean Sénat Fleury and Claudy Gassant, who have successively been preparing the case of Dominique’s murder. The investigators have found that:
_ The killing was planned in the course of several meetings.
_ The day of the murder, the killers were lying in wait outside the radio station. There were seven of them: two gunmen and five accomplices who waited in three vehicles - a red Nissan Pathfinder in which the gunmen got away, a white Cherokee jeep and a small truck parked a little further away.
_ Despite the different kinds of bullets found in Dominique’s and Louissant’s bodies, they probably came from the same gun, which has not been found.
_ Two of the vehicles, the Cherokee and the Nissan, had been stolen and already used to commit other crimes. The third vehicle was found burned-out.

No mastermind in the killing has been questioned but six people have been jailed for being directly or indirectly involved.
_ The suspected killer, Jamely Millien, known as Ti Lou, who was arrested about 10 days after the crime.
_ The second gunman, Jean Daniel Jeudi (known as Gime), Ti Lou’s brother, whose job was to cover him during the shooting. He was arrested a few weeks after the investigation began.
_ A person known to have had contacts with people working in the presidential palace.
_ Philippe Markington, an informer selling information he got through his access to many institutions. He presented himself to investigators a few days after the murder, claiming he had seen everything because, he said, he had been at the scene by chance. He was ready to cooperate with the enquiry in exchange for the release from prison of a friend. The accuracy of his descriptions made police suspect he had in fact taken part in the killing. He provided the numbers of two of the vehicles involved and said where the third vehicle had been abandoned.. fi Two policemen, one of whom, Ralph Léger, was arrested in possession of the white Cherokee jeep.

An investigation by Ana Arana for the Inter-American Press Association (IAPA), published on 12 March 2001, said the first three of the above had links with Ronald Camille (known as Ronald Cadavre), the suspected head of several criminal organisations and a man with a long criminal record. His name was mentioned in an enquiry into the murder of opposition senator Yvon Toussaint. Cadavre is thought to control networks of stolen vehicles and weapons in the capital’s port area and to run extortion rackets. Arana says his domain extends from the port to the central market. Cadavre, who has reportedly just won control of the port security service, was questioned by the examining magistrate. His brother Franco is a member of Aristide’s Fanmi Lavalas party