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ConnexionZimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
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Joel
Marc-Henry
Rico
alex jacques
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piporiko
Sasaye
Rodlam Sans Malice
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Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
revelation Ven 27 Juin 2008 - 15:03
Rappel du premier message :
C’est vraiment étrange qu’on doit se résigner à appuyer un coup d’état à un gouvernement qui a été élu démocratiquement par son peuple. C’est vraiment triste et immoral. Mais une telle décision devrait se base sur une nécessité politique et humaine. Il faut qu’il y soit une urgence immédiate. Nous venons de passer prés de 30 ans de dictature, et maintenant une vingtaine d’années de bamboche démocratique et notre condition étant que peuple n’a rien apporte de positive, au contraire elle s’aggrave de mal en pire.
Un coup d’état est’ il l’antidote d’une dictatorship?
Quels sont les signes avant-coureurs d’un dictatorship et quel est le moment propice pour un coup d’état??
On demande de dechouker Président du Zimbabwe Robert Mugabe et le remplacer par qui et par quel system?
Nous arrivons dans un point ou il n’a plus de dictatorship, mais des clan-ships, des groupes des amis politiques, des banquiers ou gambistes qui décident de passer le pouvoir comme un ballon de football en faisant des petites passes l’un a l’autre. Sur le terrain ils changent de position, mais l’équipe reste, donc pas une chance pour des réservistes.
_____________________________________________
A Man Who Once Loved Mugabe
By Anonymous
Sunday, June 29, 2008; B01
HARARE, Zimbabwe -- My father, who lives in Zimbabwe's countryside, wrote me a letter the other day. The 74-year-old man wrote that he had not had soap, cooking oil, sugar or tea leaves -- virtually anything -- for a very long time. Could I help? And if I had any old shoes that I was no longer using, could I send them to him?
I felt castrated as I read his words. Like many Zimbabweans, I am in no position to aid my loved ones; I had been out of a job for a whole year when I got the letter. My father might have forgotten that, or simply been so desperate that he just had to let me know about his plight.
The company I had worked for had closed down without any fanfare, and severance packages were not paid. In an eerie way, the demise of our company mirrored the demise of our country: The bosses at the top had proven adept at ruining the company, not at running it efficiently with the welfare of the people at heart. So we paid the price.
Now here was my father, asking for help I was honor-bound to give but simply could not provide. I was filled with impotent rage -- the same feeling my fellow citizens get as we watch Zimbabwe spiral out of control, caught in the turbulence of bad, self-serving decisions by the powers that be, ostensibly on our behalf but always at our expense.
In particular, my father's case fills me with simmering fury because he has been a staunch supporter of President Robert Mugabe's party, the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), ever since the 1960s, when he had served the liberation fighters in any way he could in their struggle against then-Rhodesia's British overlords. Back in the 1990s, when Mugabe's rule was turning sour, I was amazed still to find in my father's house an official portrait of the president.
When my father was in his early 60s, he wrote to inform me that he had taken up a job in a different district as a secretary for his beloved party. He was eventually forced to retire, and he has been trying to eke out a living as a peasant farmer ever since. My father has been devoted to the party that he says has nurtured him over the years. What does he have to show for it? The very people he has pledged his loyalty to over the decades are the ones responsible for his plight.
It is not just my father who is writing letters of lamentation; almost every one of us has plumbed the bottoms of our hearts every day. We may never write those thoughts down, but each moment we spend agonizing about how we are going to make ends meet is, in essence, the sending of a plea -- one that no one, sadly, seems to be able to answer.
T
he hope of change offered by the March 29 presidential election has been ruthlessly and systematically crushed, and all that remains is the stains of our butchered dreams. Like my father, we have all been betrayed, treated shoddily and been victimized for daring to speak our minds. In Zimbabwe, if you question a wrong or criticize an injustice, you are labeled a member of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change. Since the regime rabidly calls the opposition puppets of the West, that label can have dire consequences.
One relative, a tobacco seller in his early 40s, was particularly bitter about the youth militia that is carrying out most of the regime's dirty work: boys and girls barely out of their teens who are ordering elderly men and women about with impunity. "Tisu tirikutonga," they declare: We are the ones in power and control. And so they are.
"What hurts me the most," my relative said, "is that at my age, I have to live in constant fear. To come here to Harare, we had to ask for permission, and on our return, we have to go and report that we are back. . . . I am not a politician. I just want to earn a decent living and get by."
"The problem is that there are people who did not tell Mugabe the truth," another relative pointed out. "They lied to him that he was still popular. When he came to address rallies, they bused people from all over the province, and it was the same crowds that were ferried to the different venues, most of them forced. When Mugabe saw them teeming in their multitudes, dutifully cheering and applauding him, he thought they truly loved him."
No longer. If anything, our trials and tribulations have deepened with the failure of March 29 to materialize into meaningful change -- a stillborn hope that haunts us.
There is a surreal quality to the crisis unfolding here. For the many citizens who depend on the state media, it is business as usual, featuring robust coverage of Mugabe's campaign appearances. Opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai's withdrawal from the run-off vote that was held Friday was treated like a non-event. One neighbor, a devout soccer fan, observed, "This is like having a penalty shootout with only one team.
" But Mugabe seems to see nothing wrong with banging the ball into an empty net, then sprinting down the field celebrating his victory. In fact, he does not seem to mind playing the entire match on his own. As long as he is playing, all is well with him.
But for the rest of us -- for my father, my relatives and friends, my country -- all is not well. The other day, a devout Mugabe supporter had assured a friend of mine that once Mugabe had clinched his victory, the terrible inflation wracking the economy would go down, probably a day or so after his inauguration.
Such people seem to believe that diesel could come out of a rock. We ordinary Zimbabweans do not deal with inflation by making unrealistic assurances; we deal with it in its grittier, raw form, in our day-to-day struggle for survival. Last week, Zimbabwe's dollar fell a staggering 80 percent on the country's illegal currency markets as people hunkered down before the presidential runoff. In barely a week, the price of a loaf of bread -- which can be found only on the black market -- has shot up from $1 billion to more than $6 billion, but even that could have changed by the time this article appears. In less than two weeks, we have watched the fares for a commuter omnibus, our common means of public transportation, shoot up from $500 million to a price somewhere in the billions.
In Zimbabwe, we talk of these billions without batting an eyelid. A friend from my neighborhood has a 4-year-old son who is in kindergarten. The other day, I saw this boy holding a wad of $50 million notes; unless they all amounted to a billion of our dollars, he could not buy a mere sweet with them.
Even our kindergarteners have to be billionaires these days. Zimbabwean tycoons now talk in terms of quadrillions of dollars. I still haven't been able to get my essentially artistic mind around denominations with nine zeroes, much less 15. You should see the people frowning, trying to count the bank notes.
As I count, I think of my father. His needs cannot be met, let alone my own. The skyrocketing rise in the cost of transport and basic goods, most of which can be bought only on the black market, means that what one earns is less than what one must spend on survival. Yet day in and day out, people trek to and from work.
I can only conclude that we have all been turned into criminals of one kind or another, selling and buying on the black market in order to make ends meet -- which they barely do. And all we want is better lives for ourselves and our children -- and an aging father who once believed in Robert Mugabe.
The author is a Zimbabwean writer. The Washington Post is withholding his name for safety reasons.
How to Handle Dictators
Wednesday, June 25, 2008; Page A12 Washington Post
In a June 22 Outlook commentary,
"The Only Answer to the Mugabes of the World May Be a Coup," Paul Collier advocated encouraging coups to topple dictators and achieve "improved governance" in "such sad little states as Zimbabwe and Burma."
For him, those countries' governments are equivalent to their leaders, President Robert Mugabe and Senior Gen. Than Shwe.
But history shows that coups beget counter-coups. While living and working in Southeast Asia and sub-Saharan Africa, I witnessed sprees of illiberal governance that only worsened the prospects for democratic rule in those places. And if developed countries were to adopt Mr. Collier's recommendation, Mr. Mugabe would be likely to interpret that approach as vindicating his contention that neocolonial rule is the cause of Zimbabwe's ills.
The government in a country such as Zimbabwe or Burma is not merely a strongman but a collection of interests and groups.
Western countries should step up external pressure on the ruling cliques and support local initiatives that promote good governance.
This course is morally right and politically wise.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/gallery/2008/03/31/GA2008033101298.html?hpid=topnews
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/7476754.stm
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7476712.stm
C’est vraiment étrange qu’on doit se résigner à appuyer un coup d’état à un gouvernement qui a été élu démocratiquement par son peuple. C’est vraiment triste et immoral. Mais une telle décision devrait se base sur une nécessité politique et humaine. Il faut qu’il y soit une urgence immédiate. Nous venons de passer prés de 30 ans de dictature, et maintenant une vingtaine d’années de bamboche démocratique et notre condition étant que peuple n’a rien apporte de positive, au contraire elle s’aggrave de mal en pire.
Un coup d’état est’ il l’antidote d’une dictatorship?
Quels sont les signes avant-coureurs d’un dictatorship et quel est le moment propice pour un coup d’état??
On demande de dechouker Président du Zimbabwe Robert Mugabe et le remplacer par qui et par quel system?
Nous arrivons dans un point ou il n’a plus de dictatorship, mais des clan-ships, des groupes des amis politiques, des banquiers ou gambistes qui décident de passer le pouvoir comme un ballon de football en faisant des petites passes l’un a l’autre. Sur le terrain ils changent de position, mais l’équipe reste, donc pas une chance pour des réservistes.
_____________________________________________
A Man Who Once Loved Mugabe
By Anonymous
Sunday, June 29, 2008; B01
HARARE, Zimbabwe -- My father, who lives in Zimbabwe's countryside, wrote me a letter the other day. The 74-year-old man wrote that he had not had soap, cooking oil, sugar or tea leaves -- virtually anything -- for a very long time. Could I help? And if I had any old shoes that I was no longer using, could I send them to him?
I felt castrated as I read his words. Like many Zimbabweans, I am in no position to aid my loved ones; I had been out of a job for a whole year when I got the letter. My father might have forgotten that, or simply been so desperate that he just had to let me know about his plight.
The company I had worked for had closed down without any fanfare, and severance packages were not paid. In an eerie way, the demise of our company mirrored the demise of our country: The bosses at the top had proven adept at ruining the company, not at running it efficiently with the welfare of the people at heart. So we paid the price.
Now here was my father, asking for help I was honor-bound to give but simply could not provide. I was filled with impotent rage -- the same feeling my fellow citizens get as we watch Zimbabwe spiral out of control, caught in the turbulence of bad, self-serving decisions by the powers that be, ostensibly on our behalf but always at our expense.
In particular, my father's case fills me with simmering fury because he has been a staunch supporter of President Robert Mugabe's party, the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), ever since the 1960s, when he had served the liberation fighters in any way he could in their struggle against then-Rhodesia's British overlords. Back in the 1990s, when Mugabe's rule was turning sour, I was amazed still to find in my father's house an official portrait of the president.
When my father was in his early 60s, he wrote to inform me that he had taken up a job in a different district as a secretary for his beloved party. He was eventually forced to retire, and he has been trying to eke out a living as a peasant farmer ever since. My father has been devoted to the party that he says has nurtured him over the years. What does he have to show for it? The very people he has pledged his loyalty to over the decades are the ones responsible for his plight.
It is not just my father who is writing letters of lamentation; almost every one of us has plumbed the bottoms of our hearts every day. We may never write those thoughts down, but each moment we spend agonizing about how we are going to make ends meet is, in essence, the sending of a plea -- one that no one, sadly, seems to be able to answer.
T
he hope of change offered by the March 29 presidential election has been ruthlessly and systematically crushed, and all that remains is the stains of our butchered dreams. Like my father, we have all been betrayed, treated shoddily and been victimized for daring to speak our minds. In Zimbabwe, if you question a wrong or criticize an injustice, you are labeled a member of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change. Since the regime rabidly calls the opposition puppets of the West, that label can have dire consequences.
One relative, a tobacco seller in his early 40s, was particularly bitter about the youth militia that is carrying out most of the regime's dirty work: boys and girls barely out of their teens who are ordering elderly men and women about with impunity. "Tisu tirikutonga," they declare: We are the ones in power and control. And so they are.
"What hurts me the most," my relative said, "is that at my age, I have to live in constant fear. To come here to Harare, we had to ask for permission, and on our return, we have to go and report that we are back. . . . I am not a politician. I just want to earn a decent living and get by."
"The problem is that there are people who did not tell Mugabe the truth," another relative pointed out. "They lied to him that he was still popular. When he came to address rallies, they bused people from all over the province, and it was the same crowds that were ferried to the different venues, most of them forced. When Mugabe saw them teeming in their multitudes, dutifully cheering and applauding him, he thought they truly loved him."
No longer. If anything, our trials and tribulations have deepened with the failure of March 29 to materialize into meaningful change -- a stillborn hope that haunts us.
There is a surreal quality to the crisis unfolding here. For the many citizens who depend on the state media, it is business as usual, featuring robust coverage of Mugabe's campaign appearances. Opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai's withdrawal from the run-off vote that was held Friday was treated like a non-event. One neighbor, a devout soccer fan, observed, "This is like having a penalty shootout with only one team.
" But Mugabe seems to see nothing wrong with banging the ball into an empty net, then sprinting down the field celebrating his victory. In fact, he does not seem to mind playing the entire match on his own. As long as he is playing, all is well with him.
But for the rest of us -- for my father, my relatives and friends, my country -- all is not well. The other day, a devout Mugabe supporter had assured a friend of mine that once Mugabe had clinched his victory, the terrible inflation wracking the economy would go down, probably a day or so after his inauguration.
Such people seem to believe that diesel could come out of a rock. We ordinary Zimbabweans do not deal with inflation by making unrealistic assurances; we deal with it in its grittier, raw form, in our day-to-day struggle for survival. Last week, Zimbabwe's dollar fell a staggering 80 percent on the country's illegal currency markets as people hunkered down before the presidential runoff. In barely a week, the price of a loaf of bread -- which can be found only on the black market -- has shot up from $1 billion to more than $6 billion, but even that could have changed by the time this article appears. In less than two weeks, we have watched the fares for a commuter omnibus, our common means of public transportation, shoot up from $500 million to a price somewhere in the billions.
In Zimbabwe, we talk of these billions without batting an eyelid. A friend from my neighborhood has a 4-year-old son who is in kindergarten. The other day, I saw this boy holding a wad of $50 million notes; unless they all amounted to a billion of our dollars, he could not buy a mere sweet with them.
Even our kindergarteners have to be billionaires these days. Zimbabwean tycoons now talk in terms of quadrillions of dollars. I still haven't been able to get my essentially artistic mind around denominations with nine zeroes, much less 15. You should see the people frowning, trying to count the bank notes.
As I count, I think of my father. His needs cannot be met, let alone my own. The skyrocketing rise in the cost of transport and basic goods, most of which can be bought only on the black market, means that what one earns is less than what one must spend on survival. Yet day in and day out, people trek to and from work.
I can only conclude that we have all been turned into criminals of one kind or another, selling and buying on the black market in order to make ends meet -- which they barely do. And all we want is better lives for ourselves and our children -- and an aging father who once believed in Robert Mugabe.
The author is a Zimbabwean writer. The Washington Post is withholding his name for safety reasons.
How to Handle Dictators
Wednesday, June 25, 2008; Page A12 Washington Post
In a June 22 Outlook commentary,
"The Only Answer to the Mugabes of the World May Be a Coup," Paul Collier advocated encouraging coups to topple dictators and achieve "improved governance" in "such sad little states as Zimbabwe and Burma."
For him, those countries' governments are equivalent to their leaders, President Robert Mugabe and Senior Gen. Than Shwe.
But history shows that coups beget counter-coups. While living and working in Southeast Asia and sub-Saharan Africa, I witnessed sprees of illiberal governance that only worsened the prospects for democratic rule in those places. And if developed countries were to adopt Mr. Collier's recommendation, Mr. Mugabe would be likely to interpret that approach as vindicating his contention that neocolonial rule is the cause of Zimbabwe's ills.
The government in a country such as Zimbabwe or Burma is not merely a strongman but a collection of interests and groups.
Western countries should step up external pressure on the ruling cliques and support local initiatives that promote good governance.
This course is morally right and politically wise.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/gallery/2008/03/31/GA2008033101298.html?hpid=topnews
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/7476754.stm
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7476712.stm
revelation- Super Star
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Re: Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
Joel Dim 13 Juil 2008 - 19:30
Marc-Henry a écrit:Joel
Si Aristide était certain que les republicains le renverseraient,il faudrait donc l'accuser d'avoir affaibli l'état d'Haiti par sa tenacité à exercer le pouvoir en Haiti surtout son retour en 2001. N'est-ce pas Joel !
Attention Marc,
Je veux parler de l'élection de 1990,pas de celle de 2001.
Pourquoi dire aussi qu'Aristide était certain que les Républicains le renverseraient après les élections de 2001 parce que pendant son gouvernement il faisait tout son possible pour montrer qu'il était un modéré,ce qui était une erreur tactique de sa part.peut ètre s'il s'était montré prèt à défendre les intérèts du peuple contre tout,le peuple camperait comme un seul homme pour défendre son gouvernement quand ce gouvernement était menacé.
C'est ce que tous les analystes de la gauche américaine reproche à Aristide ,c'était qu'il était trop timide.
Regardez ce qui s'est passé au Nicaragua.Les extrèmes droitistes de l'administration BUSH ont déclaré carrément qu'ils n'accepteraient pas que Daniel Ortega soit élu une nouvelle fois.Le frère de Bush qui était le gouverneur de Floride l'avit déclaré carrément à la communauté cubaine et nicaraguéenne de Floride.
Qu'a répondu les Nicaragueens:Allez chier,ils ont élu DANIEL ORTEGA et à la dernière nouvelle ,il est toujours au pouvoir et il gouverne son pays à gauche étant un allié inconditionnel des frères Castro et de Chavez!
Joel- Super Star
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Re: Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
piporiko Lun 14 Juil 2008 - 11:00
Si Aristide était certain que les republicains le renverseraient,il faudrait donc l'accuser d'avoir affaibli l'état d'Haiti par sa tenacité à exercer le pouvoir en Haiti surtout son retour en 2001.(dixit Marc).Map mandem si gen de le ou pa tonbe sou tet.
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Re: Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
Marc H Lun 14 Juil 2008 - 12:36
piporiko a écrit:Map mandem si gen de le ou pa tonbe sou tet.
Pipo
Les propos de mon bon ami Joel m'avaient troublé et mwen vreman toube sou tett. J'ai toujours pensé que c'était une erreur de la part d'Aristide de revenir en 2000 et Joel me l'a confirmé.
Pipo
Entre nous, il faut avouer que c'était une grave erreur de sa part de revenir au Palais national à l'aube du bicentenaire de l'independance nationale. Si ce n'était pas une erreur, il aurait évité le dernier coup d'état de 2004.
Mezanmi fok nou di bagay yo jan li ye wi. kou deta se bagay ki tiye ayiti tout bon vre wi. Si yon prezidan konnen li bral pran kou deta poukisa li vinn kandida...
Marc H- Super Star
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Re: Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
piporiko Lun 14 Juil 2008 - 12:50
Pou ki sa retou Preval pa yon ere?Se paske li pi pa gen karakte?li pi renmen blan nan ke peyi'l?,Marc
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Re: Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
Marc H Lun 14 Juil 2008 - 13:07
Il reste deux et demie pour evaluer le deuxième mandat du président Préval. Si la tendance se maintient, je vous avoue que c'était une erreur d'avoir encouragé le retour du président Préval. Attendons la fin de son mandat avant de parler d'erreur dans ce cas précis.
S'agissant de mon bon président neg lakay o Kay le docteur Aristide . Sans hésiter j'affirme que c'était une erreur de sa part et de la part des penseurs du parti Fanmi Lavalas d'avoir accepté et encouragé son retour en fevrier 2001. C'est malheureux à dire mais c'est une vérité toute nue.
S'agissant de mon bon président neg lakay o Kay le docteur Aristide . Sans hésiter j'affirme que c'était une erreur de sa part et de la part des penseurs du parti Fanmi Lavalas d'avoir accepté et encouragé son retour en fevrier 2001. C'est malheureux à dire mais c'est une vérité toute nue.
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Re: Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
revelation Mar 15 Juil 2008 - 17:35
Ce n’est pas une affaire de républicains ou de démocrates au pouvoir.Si Aristide était certain que les républicains le renverseraient, il faudrait donc l'accuser d'avoir affaibli l'état d'Haiti par sa ténacité à exercer le pouvoir en Haiti surtout son retour en 2001.(dixit Marc Henry).
Tout change du jour au l’en demain comment pourrait il être certain.
C’est une affaire d’intérêt !!
Président Aristide avait de bonne relation avec les américains. Son garde de corps était une compagnie américaine payée par le US. département d’états.
Haiti etait le premier importateur de riz en provenance de l’etat de la Caroline du Nord, l’etat de Jesse Helms chairman of the US Foreign Commitee, bonne relation avec Haiti.
L’ancien Président Bill Clinton et son entourage d’homme d’affaires étaient associés avec Aristide.
L’US ambassadeur et le corps diplomatique américain voulaient protéger le président et sa famille contre le service secret français, la Direction Générale de la Sécurité Extérieure, (DGSE) ayant comme moto : Partout où nécessité fait loi
La France voulait à tout prix sa peau.
Quant la France voulait qu’il aille dans un petit pays francophone en Afrique, les américains ont refusés et ont préférés de l’amener chez son bon ami Mbeki en Afrique du Sud.
Tout est une question de nécessité et d’intérêt.
E ingra sa pa wont la kryè ke yo te kidnapè’l. Il n’a rien compris ce naif.
Peut être s’il retourne au pouvoir une 3ieme fois, il pourrait comprendre cette fois ci.
Il y a des gens qui doivent essayer en plusieurs fois avant de faire une chose correctement.
Mais je ne crois pas que le peuple haïtien a de la patience pour les stagiaires politiciens.
Deux fois c'est un peut trop.
Revelasyon
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Re: Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
piporiko Lun 28 Juil 2008 - 10:42
Zimbabwe : mais que cherche l’Occident ?
| Les discussions ont commencé entre Mugabe accroché au pouvoir et Tsvangirai qui voudrait bien y accéder. Les deux ont leurs arguments, les deux ont leurs envies, mais les deux ont conscience qu’il leur faut arriver à un accord. Alors, ils mettent tous les deux de l’eau dans leur vin pour tenter de trouver cet accord. Et pendant ce temps-là, au lieu d’essayer de faciliter les discussions ou tout au moins de ne pas jeter de l’huile sur le feu, l’Union européenne et les Etats-Unis font au contraire tout pour fâcher Mugabe, comme si leur objectif était que l’accord ne se fasse pas. Ce qui est d’ailleurs probablement le cas. L’image de Mugabe serrant la main de Tsvangirai a remué les tripes de tous les Zimbabwéiens : enfin un geste qui donne un petit espoir d’une solution négociée. Et tous les Zimbabwéiens, qu’ils soient encore sur le territoire national ou réfugiés à l’étranger, retiennent leur souffle, car les deux semaines de négociation sont les deux semaines les plus délicates de ces dix dernières années. A la base des discussions, on trouve l’élection présidentielle très controversée de ce printemps, avec un premier tour dont plus personne ne discute les résultats (Mugabe 45 %, Tsvangirai 48 %) et un deuxième tour dont Tsvangirai s’est désisté à cause des violences électorales, avec 120 morts du MDC (selon le MDC) et un nombre incertain jamais annoncé de morts du côté du parti au pouvoir, le Zanu-PF. La loi électorale est claire à ce sujet : si un candidat se désiste entre les deux tours, c’est celui qui reste qui devient président. Et donc Mugabe se bloque en disant qu’il est président, mais Tsvangirai dit que c’est lui qui doit diriger en se basant sur les résultats du 1er tour dont les résultats ne sont mis en doute par personne. Ce qu’en pensent les Zimbabwéiens Les milieux proches, mais ne participant pas aux discussions parlent d’une solution de Mugabe président, et de Tsvangirai Premier ministre. En d’autres termes, d’avoir de nouveau une séparation chef de l’Etat/chef du gouvernement (comme ce qu’on a en France, par exemple) au lieu d’une seule personne qui rassemble les deux fonctions (comme ce qu’ont les Etats-Unis, par exemple). En tout cas, cet accord serait la meilleure chose qui puisse arriver, car même si l’on se base sur les résultats incontestés du premier tour, il n’y a que 3 % de la population de différence entre les deux, et dans un univers de tension aussi fort et le besoin évident d’une unité nationale pour redresser le pays, il serait difficile de concevoir un régime qui ignorerait totalement l’autre moitié du pays, qu’il soit d’un côté ou de l’autre. Ce qu’en pense l’Occident L’Occident ne l’entend apparemment pas de cette oreille, et alors que les discussions sont difficiles et les liens encore bien fragiles, l’UE tente de jeter de l’huile sur le feu et fait apparemment tout pour casser la discussion en appliquant des sanctions contre Mugabe et son parti et en multipliant les déclarations pour dire qu’ils refuseront toute solution où Mugabe aurait un pouvoir dans l’exécutif. Oser venir dire après ces déclarations qu’ils espèrent que les discussions aboutiront relève dès lors du cynisme le plus vil. On devine parfaitement en filigrane la politique de la Grande-Bretagne. Pour eux, Mugabe est un homme à tuer, au point qu’à une certaine époque, des plans avaient même été étudiés pour l’assassiner. Mais le risque de se faire prendre était trop grand par rapport au risque de perdre définitivement le Zimbabwe : car l’objectif de la libérale Grande-Bretagne, c’est de remettre la main sur les richesses du Zimbabwe. Dans ce cadre géopolitique, on comprend assez bien l’attitude des Etats-Unis : la GB les a aidés pour faire main basse sur l’Irak, et donc aujourd’hui les Etats-Unis aident la GB a faire main basse sur le Zimbabwe, et ce d’autant plus qu’il y a peut-être un truc à faire avec l’Iran dans un avenir assez proche. Avec les mêmes arguments : celui du dictateur fou (comme Saddam Hussein), du malheur de la population, des pauvres réfugiés, de la violation des droits de l’homme... La seule grosse différence, c’est que les Etats-Unis avaient fabriqué des fausses preuves d’armement de destruction massive et que la GB ne peut plus le faire, parce que, désormais, le reste du monde va regarder à deux fois les "preuves". Donc, on parle du massacre de l’opposition (120 morts quand même), et de la misère des paysans qui n’ont plus à manger. Mais on se garde bien de venir aider pour lutter contre la sécheresse de peur que le pays ne se redresse : en leur donnant à manger et de façon insuffisante par le Programme alimentaire mondial, on les maintient dans cet état désespérant qui permet d’accuser Mugabe. Donc, même si ce n’est pas très joli, on comprend l’attitude de la GB et des Etats-Unis. C’est ce qu’ils appellent de la real politic, et tant qu’on est du côté du manche, c’est plutôt confortable à défaut d’être moral. Ce qu’en pense Sarkozy Mais que vient faire Sarkozy là-dedans ? L’intérêt de la France n’est pas en jeu, pas plus que celui de l’Europe. Pire, la dernière réunion Afrique-Europe nous montre bien que l’attitude de l’Europe essayant du plus qu’ils peuvent de faire capoter l’accord au Zimbabwe est très mal ressentie par l’Afrique, ce qui ne va pas aider à passer de bons accords, avec la Chine qui se frotte les mains en regardant ladite Europe se tirer une balle dans le pied vis-à-vis des ressources des pays africains. Sans avoir aucun élément qui me permette de l’affirmer, je pense que l’attitude de Sarkozy résulte d’un accord secret avec la GB : Sarko aide la GB sur ce sujet en positionnant l’Europe conformément aux souhaits de la GB et celle-ci votera dans le sens de Sarko pour les réformes qu’il veut appliquer pendant sa présidence de l’Europe. En tout cas, le principe du rasoir d’Occam qui dit que l’explication la plus simple est presque toujours la bonne par rapport à l’explication compliquée plaide en ma faveur. Ce que j’en pense Je suis profondément choqué par cette attitude qui cherche clairement à faire capoter un accord négocié pour que la population souffre encore plus pour des raisons bassement économiques. Car ne vous y trompez pas : ce ne sont pas des considérations humanitaires qui poussent les pays occidentaux contre le Zimbabwe, mais bien des considérations économiques. La preuve est devant vos yeux avec le silence tonitruant face à des situations humanitaires et de viol des droits de l’homme considérablement plus graves, mais dans des pays où il n’y a rien à gagner. Qu’en pensez-vous ? Et vous ? Allez-vous continuer à suivre la version à la mode du Mugabe traité de dictacteur fou en essayant aussi de faire capoter du plus que vous pouvez une solution négociée que tente d’obtenir l’opposition à Mugabe ? Allez-vous aussi décider que vous savez mieux que le peuple du Zimbabwe ce qu’ils veulent et aider l’esprit colonial d’antan à reprendre possession des richesses du Zimbabwe ? Ou bien êtes-vous d’accord sur le fait que l’Europe et les Etats-Unis feraient mieux de se taire et d’attendre les résultats de la négociation entre les intéressés, quitte à remettre la pression après si ces négociations n’aboutissent pas ? TIRE DE AGORAVOX |
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Re: Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
Invité Lun 28 Juil 2008 - 10:59
Sarkozy: «je ne parlerai pas à Mugabe»
Source: Le figaro
Source: Le figaro
Invité- Invité
Re: Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
Marc-Henry Mar 9 Déc 2008 - 0:18
La fin du règne du dictateur Mugabe ...approche.
Marc-Henry- Administrateur
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Re: Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
Sasaye Mar 9 Déc 2008 - 1:16
Mm Mm!
Menm apre Mugabe mouri, la p rete ero endepandans Zimbabwe.
Nèg ki te fout Ian Smith ak sistèm apartheid li ya deyo, pandan Angletè ak rès Eropeyen yo ta p benefisye esklavaj afriken yo.
Nèg ki fè Rhodezi vin tounen Zimbabwe.
Menm apre Mugabe mouri, la p rete ero endepandans Zimbabwe.
Nèg ki te fout Ian Smith ak sistèm apartheid li ya deyo, pandan Angletè ak rès Eropeyen yo ta p benefisye esklavaj afriken yo.
Nèg ki fè Rhodezi vin tounen Zimbabwe.
Sasaye- Super Star
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Re: Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
revelation Mer 10 Déc 2008 - 10:24
Sasaye di :
Saaa pa gen manti nan sa.
Sepandan, Mugabe gen 84 zan e li konprand ke lit indepandan e rasism poko fini. Fok lit la kontinye toujou.
Men pwoblem nan se ke Mugabe konprand ke se li mem’m Selman ki kap Mennen lit sila.
Li pa we, ni prepare lot moun pou ranplase’m. Li gen yon mantalite ke se li ki sel koq ki chante nan baskou a.
Apre li se le neyan!!
Se sak fe ke le yon diktate o pouvwa ou byen ale e li pa prepare yon moun pou ranplase’l, peyi a vinn tounnen san direktion.
Tout lajan budje disparet.
Tout proje sispand.
Tout moun vle chef memm sa ki kite peyi a depi 40 tan.!!
M'kap di ke neg intellijan nan diktate yo sete Rafael Trujillo nan Dominikani ki te prepare Balaguer pou pran plas li e tout Dominiken te konnen sa a lavans.
Papa Doc Duvalier nan peyi d’Ayiti te prepare e mete pitit li komm siksese’r e tout makout e opozan te konnen sa.
Baby Doc pap gen tan fe’l paske li te tro jenn e li te konprand ke li te a vie vre.
Pouwa se yon bagay ke le yon moun genyen li ke moun nan se prezidan, general, manager, memm jeran lakou, se pa fasil pou li volonte’rman remet pouvwa.
Yo panse ke se avek fos kouraj yo ke yo te pran’l donk se avek fos kouraj pou yon lot moun vinn retire’l nan men yo.
Fok se mouri pou moun sa mouri ou byen assasine’l pou yo assasine’l.
Nou memm Ayisyen, nou gen mantalite sa de 1804 jiska no jou.
Konnyen la, gen yon maladi Kolera kap finn ravaje Zimbabwe mou nap mouri kankou mouch, yon ekonomi kap degrenngole san rete.
Li le e li tan pou Mugabe alè!! Mugabe must Go !!
Se yon nesesite, paske plis ke ‘l rete o pouvwa se plis ke sitiasyon an ap vinn pi mal e se plis tan peyi Zimbabwe ap bezwen pou repran fos li!!!
Nou memm Ayisyen, nou konn pwoblem sa tre byen piske nap viv li depi 1804 jiska konnyen la.
Sasaye voye yon email bay hero indepandans wou an e di'l ke li le e li tan deja pou'm bay yon lot fe yon kou tou
Nou pa ta remen we sang inosan koule pou gran-mesi.
Revelasyon
Sasaye, Nou tout gen respe pou Prezidan Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe pou kouraj ke li montre pandan batay indepandans peyi Afrik di Sud yo.Mm Mm!
Menm apre Mugabe mouri, la p rete ero endepandans Zimbabwe.
Nèg ki te fout Ian Smith ak sistèm apartheid li ya deyo, pandan Angletè ak rès Eropeyen yo ta p benefisye esklavaj afriken yo.
Nèg ki fè Rhodezi vin tounen Zimbabwe.
Saaa pa gen manti nan sa.
Sepandan, Mugabe gen 84 zan e li konprand ke lit indepandan e rasism poko fini. Fok lit la kontinye toujou.
Men pwoblem nan se ke Mugabe konprand ke se li mem’m Selman ki kap Mennen lit sila.
Li pa we, ni prepare lot moun pou ranplase’m. Li gen yon mantalite ke se li ki sel koq ki chante nan baskou a.
Apre li se le neyan!!
Se sak fe ke le yon diktate o pouvwa ou byen ale e li pa prepare yon moun pou ranplase’l, peyi a vinn tounnen san direktion.
Tout lajan budje disparet.
Tout proje sispand.
Tout moun vle chef memm sa ki kite peyi a depi 40 tan.!!
M'kap di ke neg intellijan nan diktate yo sete Rafael Trujillo nan Dominikani ki te prepare Balaguer pou pran plas li e tout Dominiken te konnen sa a lavans.
Papa Doc Duvalier nan peyi d’Ayiti te prepare e mete pitit li komm siksese’r e tout makout e opozan te konnen sa.
Baby Doc pap gen tan fe’l paske li te tro jenn e li te konprand ke li te a vie vre.
Pouwa se yon bagay ke le yon moun genyen li ke moun nan se prezidan, general, manager, memm jeran lakou, se pa fasil pou li volonte’rman remet pouvwa.
Yo panse ke se avek fos kouraj yo ke yo te pran’l donk se avek fos kouraj pou yon lot moun vinn retire’l nan men yo.
Fok se mouri pou moun sa mouri ou byen assasine’l pou yo assasine’l.
Nou memm Ayisyen, nou gen mantalite sa de 1804 jiska no jou.
Konnyen la, gen yon maladi Kolera kap finn ravaje Zimbabwe mou nap mouri kankou mouch, yon ekonomi kap degrenngole san rete.
Li le e li tan pou Mugabe alè!! Mugabe must Go !!
Se yon nesesite, paske plis ke ‘l rete o pouvwa se plis ke sitiasyon an ap vinn pi mal e se plis tan peyi Zimbabwe ap bezwen pou repran fos li!!!
Nou memm Ayisyen, nou konn pwoblem sa tre byen piske nap viv li depi 1804 jiska konnyen la.
Sasaye voye yon email bay hero indepandans wou an e di'l ke li le e li tan deja pou'm bay yon lot fe yon kou tou
Nou pa ta remen we sang inosan koule pou gran-mesi.
Revelasyon
revelation- Super Star
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Re: Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
Sasaye Mer 10 Déc 2008 - 11:09
Ki pwoblèm w ak Mugabe?
Eske se menm pwoblèm angle ak meriken yo genyen?
Eske ou te gen tè lan Zimbabwe lan epòk Rodezi ke msye te pataje ak afriken ki te goumen avè l pou endepandans Zimbabwe?
Si se sa, ou pa konprann ke se sèl rezon moun sayo gen pwoblèm ak Mugabe? Ki fout mele yo ki moun ki ap dirije peyi afriken saa ak tout kolera li.
Yo pa t gen pwoblem ak Mobutu, Bokassa oubyen De Klerk.
Yo te mande pou chef opozisyon an te gouvènen peyi a. Ebyen se li ki premye minis kounyea.
Se Zimbabweyen ki pou deside si se pou prezidan yo ale.
Se pa ni wou, ni mwen.
Alo mwen pa gen oken email pou voye bay misye.
Dènye fwa m gade, mwen te wè ou se yon ansyen ayisyen ki tounen yon repibliken meriken.
Ou pa ta kapab zimbabweyen tou, amwenske ou gen twa nasyonalite.
E si w ta zimbabweyen, ki sa w ta ye: yon blan ou yon nwa?
Eske se menm pwoblèm angle ak meriken yo genyen?
Eske ou te gen tè lan Zimbabwe lan epòk Rodezi ke msye te pataje ak afriken ki te goumen avè l pou endepandans Zimbabwe?
Si se sa, ou pa konprann ke se sèl rezon moun sayo gen pwoblèm ak Mugabe? Ki fout mele yo ki moun ki ap dirije peyi afriken saa ak tout kolera li.
Yo pa t gen pwoblem ak Mobutu, Bokassa oubyen De Klerk.
Yo te mande pou chef opozisyon an te gouvènen peyi a. Ebyen se li ki premye minis kounyea.
Se Zimbabweyen ki pou deside si se pou prezidan yo ale.
Se pa ni wou, ni mwen.
Alo mwen pa gen oken email pou voye bay misye.
Dènye fwa m gade, mwen te wè ou se yon ansyen ayisyen ki tounen yon repibliken meriken.
Ou pa ta kapab zimbabweyen tou, amwenske ou gen twa nasyonalite.
E si w ta zimbabweyen, ki sa w ta ye: yon blan ou yon nwa?
Sasaye- Super Star
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Men sak ap pase lan Zimbabwe, tande Revelasyon.
Sasaye Mer 10 Déc 2008 - 12:31
Cholera Outbreak Outcome of West's War on Zimbabwe
By Stephen Gowans
December 08, 2008
gowans.wordpress.com
The crisis in Zimbabwe has intensified.
Inflation is incalculably high. The central bank limits – to an inadequate level – the amount of money Zimbabweans can withdraw from their bank accounts daily.
Unarmed soldiers riot, their guns kept under lock and key, to prevent an armed uprising.
Hospital staff fail to show up for work.
The water authority is short of chemicals to purify drinking water.
Cholera, easily prevented and cured under normal circumstances, has broken out, leading the government to declare a humanitarian emergency.
In the West, state officials call for the country's president, Robert Mugabe, to step down and yield power to the leader of the largest faction of the Movement for Democratic Change, Morgan Tsvangirai.
In this, the crisis is directly linked to Mugabe, its solution to Tsvangirai, but it's never said what Mugabe has done to cause the crisis, or how Tsvangirai's ascension to the presidency will make it go away.
The causal chain leading to the crisis can be diagrammed roughly as follows:
In the late 90s, Mugabe's government provokes the hostility of the West by:
(1) intervening militarily in the Democratic Republic of Congo on the side of the young government of Laurent Kabila, helping to thwart an invasion by Rwandan and Ugandan forces backed by the US and Britain;
(2) it rejects a pro-foreign investment economic restructuring program the IMF establishes as a condition for balance of payment support;
(3) it accelerates land redistribution by seizing white-owned farms and thereby committing the ultimate affront against owners of productive property – expropriation without compensation. To governments whose foreign policy is based in large measure on protecting their nationals' ownership rights to foreign productive assets, expropriation, and especially expropriation without compensation, is intolerable, and must be punished to deter others from doing the same.
In response, the United States, as prime guarantor of the imperialist system, introduces the December 2001 Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act.
The act instructs US representatives to international financial institutions "to oppose and vote against any extension by the respective institution of any loan, credit, or guarantee to the Government of Zimbabwe;
or any cancellation or reduction of indebtedness owed by the Government of Zimbabwe to the United States or any international financial institution."
The act effectively deprives Zimbabwe of foreign currency required to import necessities from abroad, including chemicals to treat drinking water. Development aid from the World Bank is also cut off, denying the country access to funds to upgrade its infrastructure. The central bank takes measures to mitigate the effects of the act, creating hyper-inflation as a by-product.
The cause of the crisis, then, can be traced directly to the West.
Rather than banning the export of goods to Zimbabwe, the US denied Zimbabwe the means to import goods – not trade sanctions, but an act that had the same effect.
To be sure, had the Mugabe government reversed its land reform program and abided by IMF demands, the crisis would have been averted. But the trigger was pulled in Washington, London and Brussels, and it is the West, therefore, that bears the blame.
Sanctions are effectively acts of war, with often equivalent, and sometimes more devastating, consequences. More than a million Iraqis died as a result of a decade-long sanctions regime championed by the US following the 1991 Gulf War.
This prompted two political scientists, John and Karl Mueller, to coin the phrase "sanctions of mass destruction."
They noted that sanctions had "contributed to more deaths in the post Cold War era than all the weapons of mass destruction in history."
The Western media refer to sanctions on Zimbabwe as targeted – limited only to high state officials and other individuals.
This ignores the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act and conceals its devastating impact, thereby shifting responsibility for the humanitarian catastrophe from the US to Mugabe.
The cholera outbreak has a parallel in the outbreak of cholera in Iraq following the Gulf War.
Thomas Nagy, a business professor at George Washington University, cited declassified documents in the September 2001 issue of The Progressive magazine showing that the United States had deliberately bombed Iraq's drinking water and sanitation facilities, recognizing that sanctions would prevent Iraq from rebuilding its water infrastructure and that epidemics of otherwise preventable diseases, cholera among them, would ensue.
Washington, in other words, deliberately created a humanitarian catastrophe to achieve its goal of regime change.
There is a direct parallel with Zimbabwe – the only difference is that the United States uses the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act – that is, sanctions of mass destruction – in place of bombing.
Harare's land reform program is one of the principal reasons the United States has gone to war with Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe has redistributed land previously owned by 4,000 white farmers to 300,000 previously landless families, descendants of black Africans whose land was stolen by white settlers.
By contrast, South Africa's ANC government has redistributed only four percent of the 87 percent of land forcibly seized from the indigenous population by Europeans.
In March, South Africa's cabinet seemed ready to move ahead with a plan to accelerate agrarian reform. It would abandon the "willing seller, willing buyer" model insisted on by the West, following in the Mugabe government's footsteps.
Under the plan, thirty percent of farmland would be redistributed to black farmers by 2014. But the government has since backed away, its reluctance to move forward based on the following considerations.
Most black South Africans are generations removed from the land, and no longer have the skills and culture necessary to immediately farm at a high level. An accelerated land reform program would almost certainly lower production levels, as new farmers played catch up to acquire critical skills.
South Africa is no longer a net exporter of food. An accelerated land reform program would likely force the country, in the short term, to rely more heavily on agricultural imports, at a time food prices are rising globally.
There is a danger that fast-track land reform will create a crisis of capital flight.
The dangers of radical land reform in provoking a backlash from the West are richly evident in the example of Zimbabwe. South Africa would like to avoid becoming the next Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe's economic crisis is accompanied by a political crisis. Talks on forming a government of national unity are stalled. Failure to strike a deal pivots on a single ministry – home affairs.
In the West, failure to consolidate a deal between Mugabe's Zanu-PF party and the two MDC factions is attributed to Mugabe's intransigence in insisting that he control all key cabinet posts.
It takes two to tango.
Tsvangirai has shown little interest in striking an accord, preferring instead to raise objections to every solution to the impasse put forward by outside mediators, as Western ambassadors hover nearby. It's as if, with the country teetering on the edge of collapse, he doesn't want to do a deal, preferring instead to help hasten the collapse by throwing up obstacles to an accord, to clear the way for his ascension to the presidency.
When the mediation of former South African president Thambo Mbeki failed, Tsvangirai asked the regional grouping, the SADC, to intervene. SADC ordered Zanu-PF and the MDC to share the home affairs ministry.
Tsvangirai refused. Now he wants Mbeki replaced.
At the SADC meeting, Mugabe presented a report which alleges that MDC militias are being trained in Botswana by Britain, to be deployed to Zimbabwe early in 2009 to foment a civil war. The turmoil would be used as a pretext for outside military intervention.
This would follow the model used to oust the Haitian government of Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Already, British officials and clergymen are calling for intervention. British prime minister Gordon Brown says the cholera outbreak makes Zimbabwe's crisis international, because disease can cross borders. Since an international crisis is within the purview of the "international community," the path is clear for the West and its satellites to step in to set matters straight.
Botswana is decidedly hostile. The country's foreign minister, Phando Skelemani, says that Zimbabwe's neighbors should impose an oil blockade to bring the Mugabe government down.
Meanwhile, representatives of the elders, Jimmy Carter, Kofi Anan and Graca Machel sought to enter Zimbabwe to assess the humanitarian situation.
Inasmuch as an adequate assessment could not be made on the whistle-stop tour the trio had planned, Harare barred their entry, recognizing that the trip would simply be used as a platform to declaim on the necessity of regime change.
The elders' humanitarian concern, however, didn't stop the trio from agreeing that stepped up sanctions – more misery for the population – would be useful.
The Mugabe government's pursuit of land reform, rejection of neo-liberal restructuring, and movement to eclipse US imperialism in southern Africa, has put Zimbabwe on the receiving end of a Western attack based on punitive financial sanctions.
The intention, as is true of all Western destabilization efforts, has been to make the target country ungovernable, forcing the government to step down, clearing the way for the ascension of the West's local errand boys.
Owing to the West's attack, Zimbabwe's government is struggling to provide the population with basic necessities. It can no longer provide basic sanitation and access to potable water at a sufficient level to prevent the outbreak of otherwise preventable diseases.
The replacement of the Mugabe government with one led by the Movement for Democratic Change, a party created and directed by Western governments, if it happens, will lead to an improvement in the humanitarian situation. This won't come about because the MDC is more competent at governing, but because sanctions will be lifted and access to balance of payment support and development aid will be restored.
Zimbabwe will once again be able to import adequate amounts of water purification chemicals. The improving humanitarian situation will be cited as proof the West was right all along in insisting on a change of government.
The downside is that measures to indigenize the economy – to place the country's agricultural and mineral wealth in the hands of the black majority – will be reversed.
Mugabe and key members of the state will be shipped off to The Hague – or attempts will be made to ship them off – to send a message to others about what befalls those who threaten the dominant mode of property relations and challenge Western domination.
Cowed by the example of Zimbabwe, Africans in other countries will back away from their own land reform and economic indigenization demands, and the continent will settle more firmly into a pattern of neo-colonial subjugation.
Source: gowans.wordpress.com
By Stephen Gowans
December 08, 2008
gowans.wordpress.com
The crisis in Zimbabwe has intensified.
Inflation is incalculably high. The central bank limits – to an inadequate level – the amount of money Zimbabweans can withdraw from their bank accounts daily.
Unarmed soldiers riot, their guns kept under lock and key, to prevent an armed uprising.
Hospital staff fail to show up for work.
The water authority is short of chemicals to purify drinking water.
Cholera, easily prevented and cured under normal circumstances, has broken out, leading the government to declare a humanitarian emergency.
In the West, state officials call for the country's president, Robert Mugabe, to step down and yield power to the leader of the largest faction of the Movement for Democratic Change, Morgan Tsvangirai.
In this, the crisis is directly linked to Mugabe, its solution to Tsvangirai, but it's never said what Mugabe has done to cause the crisis, or how Tsvangirai's ascension to the presidency will make it go away.
The causal chain leading to the crisis can be diagrammed roughly as follows:
In the late 90s, Mugabe's government provokes the hostility of the West by:
(1) intervening militarily in the Democratic Republic of Congo on the side of the young government of Laurent Kabila, helping to thwart an invasion by Rwandan and Ugandan forces backed by the US and Britain;
(2) it rejects a pro-foreign investment economic restructuring program the IMF establishes as a condition for balance of payment support;
(3) it accelerates land redistribution by seizing white-owned farms and thereby committing the ultimate affront against owners of productive property – expropriation without compensation. To governments whose foreign policy is based in large measure on protecting their nationals' ownership rights to foreign productive assets, expropriation, and especially expropriation without compensation, is intolerable, and must be punished to deter others from doing the same.
In response, the United States, as prime guarantor of the imperialist system, introduces the December 2001 Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act.
The act instructs US representatives to international financial institutions "to oppose and vote against any extension by the respective institution of any loan, credit, or guarantee to the Government of Zimbabwe;
or any cancellation or reduction of indebtedness owed by the Government of Zimbabwe to the United States or any international financial institution."
The act effectively deprives Zimbabwe of foreign currency required to import necessities from abroad, including chemicals to treat drinking water. Development aid from the World Bank is also cut off, denying the country access to funds to upgrade its infrastructure. The central bank takes measures to mitigate the effects of the act, creating hyper-inflation as a by-product.
The cause of the crisis, then, can be traced directly to the West.
Rather than banning the export of goods to Zimbabwe, the US denied Zimbabwe the means to import goods – not trade sanctions, but an act that had the same effect.
To be sure, had the Mugabe government reversed its land reform program and abided by IMF demands, the crisis would have been averted. But the trigger was pulled in Washington, London and Brussels, and it is the West, therefore, that bears the blame.
Sanctions are effectively acts of war, with often equivalent, and sometimes more devastating, consequences. More than a million Iraqis died as a result of a decade-long sanctions regime championed by the US following the 1991 Gulf War.
This prompted two political scientists, John and Karl Mueller, to coin the phrase "sanctions of mass destruction."
They noted that sanctions had "contributed to more deaths in the post Cold War era than all the weapons of mass destruction in history."
The Western media refer to sanctions on Zimbabwe as targeted – limited only to high state officials and other individuals.
This ignores the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act and conceals its devastating impact, thereby shifting responsibility for the humanitarian catastrophe from the US to Mugabe.
The cholera outbreak has a parallel in the outbreak of cholera in Iraq following the Gulf War.
Thomas Nagy, a business professor at George Washington University, cited declassified documents in the September 2001 issue of The Progressive magazine showing that the United States had deliberately bombed Iraq's drinking water and sanitation facilities, recognizing that sanctions would prevent Iraq from rebuilding its water infrastructure and that epidemics of otherwise preventable diseases, cholera among them, would ensue.
Washington, in other words, deliberately created a humanitarian catastrophe to achieve its goal of regime change.
There is a direct parallel with Zimbabwe – the only difference is that the United States uses the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act – that is, sanctions of mass destruction – in place of bombing.
Harare's land reform program is one of the principal reasons the United States has gone to war with Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe has redistributed land previously owned by 4,000 white farmers to 300,000 previously landless families, descendants of black Africans whose land was stolen by white settlers.
By contrast, South Africa's ANC government has redistributed only four percent of the 87 percent of land forcibly seized from the indigenous population by Europeans.
In March, South Africa's cabinet seemed ready to move ahead with a plan to accelerate agrarian reform. It would abandon the "willing seller, willing buyer" model insisted on by the West, following in the Mugabe government's footsteps.
Under the plan, thirty percent of farmland would be redistributed to black farmers by 2014. But the government has since backed away, its reluctance to move forward based on the following considerations.
Most black South Africans are generations removed from the land, and no longer have the skills and culture necessary to immediately farm at a high level. An accelerated land reform program would almost certainly lower production levels, as new farmers played catch up to acquire critical skills.
South Africa is no longer a net exporter of food. An accelerated land reform program would likely force the country, in the short term, to rely more heavily on agricultural imports, at a time food prices are rising globally.
There is a danger that fast-track land reform will create a crisis of capital flight.
The dangers of radical land reform in provoking a backlash from the West are richly evident in the example of Zimbabwe. South Africa would like to avoid becoming the next Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe's economic crisis is accompanied by a political crisis. Talks on forming a government of national unity are stalled. Failure to strike a deal pivots on a single ministry – home affairs.
In the West, failure to consolidate a deal between Mugabe's Zanu-PF party and the two MDC factions is attributed to Mugabe's intransigence in insisting that he control all key cabinet posts.
It takes two to tango.
Tsvangirai has shown little interest in striking an accord, preferring instead to raise objections to every solution to the impasse put forward by outside mediators, as Western ambassadors hover nearby. It's as if, with the country teetering on the edge of collapse, he doesn't want to do a deal, preferring instead to help hasten the collapse by throwing up obstacles to an accord, to clear the way for his ascension to the presidency.
When the mediation of former South African president Thambo Mbeki failed, Tsvangirai asked the regional grouping, the SADC, to intervene. SADC ordered Zanu-PF and the MDC to share the home affairs ministry.
Tsvangirai refused. Now he wants Mbeki replaced.
At the SADC meeting, Mugabe presented a report which alleges that MDC militias are being trained in Botswana by Britain, to be deployed to Zimbabwe early in 2009 to foment a civil war. The turmoil would be used as a pretext for outside military intervention.
This would follow the model used to oust the Haitian government of Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Already, British officials and clergymen are calling for intervention. British prime minister Gordon Brown says the cholera outbreak makes Zimbabwe's crisis international, because disease can cross borders. Since an international crisis is within the purview of the "international community," the path is clear for the West and its satellites to step in to set matters straight.
Botswana is decidedly hostile. The country's foreign minister, Phando Skelemani, says that Zimbabwe's neighbors should impose an oil blockade to bring the Mugabe government down.
Meanwhile, representatives of the elders, Jimmy Carter, Kofi Anan and Graca Machel sought to enter Zimbabwe to assess the humanitarian situation.
Inasmuch as an adequate assessment could not be made on the whistle-stop tour the trio had planned, Harare barred their entry, recognizing that the trip would simply be used as a platform to declaim on the necessity of regime change.
The elders' humanitarian concern, however, didn't stop the trio from agreeing that stepped up sanctions – more misery for the population – would be useful.
The Mugabe government's pursuit of land reform, rejection of neo-liberal restructuring, and movement to eclipse US imperialism in southern Africa, has put Zimbabwe on the receiving end of a Western attack based on punitive financial sanctions.
The intention, as is true of all Western destabilization efforts, has been to make the target country ungovernable, forcing the government to step down, clearing the way for the ascension of the West's local errand boys.
Owing to the West's attack, Zimbabwe's government is struggling to provide the population with basic necessities. It can no longer provide basic sanitation and access to potable water at a sufficient level to prevent the outbreak of otherwise preventable diseases.
The replacement of the Mugabe government with one led by the Movement for Democratic Change, a party created and directed by Western governments, if it happens, will lead to an improvement in the humanitarian situation. This won't come about because the MDC is more competent at governing, but because sanctions will be lifted and access to balance of payment support and development aid will be restored.
Zimbabwe will once again be able to import adequate amounts of water purification chemicals. The improving humanitarian situation will be cited as proof the West was right all along in insisting on a change of government.
The downside is that measures to indigenize the economy – to place the country's agricultural and mineral wealth in the hands of the black majority – will be reversed.
Mugabe and key members of the state will be shipped off to The Hague – or attempts will be made to ship them off – to send a message to others about what befalls those who threaten the dominant mode of property relations and challenge Western domination.
Cowed by the example of Zimbabwe, Africans in other countries will back away from their own land reform and economic indigenization demands, and the continent will settle more firmly into a pattern of neo-colonial subjugation.
Source: gowans.wordpress.com
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Re: Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
revelation Mer 10 Déc 2008 - 12:51
Mugabe Must Go!!!
Zimbabwe Cholera Outbreak-Calls For President Mugabe to Quit
Sasaye di:
Sa se rezonman politisyen aktivist manipilate ki vle pou yon pep rete nan fe nwa.
Se ti repons fasil pou bay pep vale e trompe yo!! Rakonte yo ti istwa batay hero indepandans pou fe ti moun pep la dodo!! Avan anyen se istwa indepandans batay ant nwa e blan!!
Sesa selman ke wou we ke w kab di komm komante nan sitiation Zimbabwe sa
Wou trouve ke se normal ke Mugabe rete o pouvwa pandan ke peyi a ap deperi.
Men kestion pou repond??
An Ayiti, Se sak fe se lot pep ak lot moun kap deside pou nou !
Nou pa gen je pou’m we ni zorey pou’m tande.
Le nou tap grandi nan peyi d'Ayiti, moun te komm soufri malnitrisyon!!
Konnyen la se mourri grangou ke yap mouri grangou.
Se nivo ki pi ba nan vie yon etre himain.
Donk wou panse ke rakonte pep la de istwa hero indepandans
Dessalines ak neg marron, fe yo pale kreyol tout jounen ap ranpli vant yo poussa???
Donk wou kap imajine nan ki stad nou rive konnyen la e di se pep la ki pou deside montre klerman ke wou se yon popilist manipilate!
Donk nou pakab chita rete tand ke se pep la ki pou deside si yon gouvenman dwe rete si li dwe ale!!
Politisyen popilist malfete ap manipile e intimide popilation an e fe yo we tout bagay an nwa e blan!!
Nan politik jounen jodya, li pli fasil pou jete yon gouvenman ke pou mete’l.
Fok Mugabe ale !! Mugabe pap we nouvo annee 2009 sa !!
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5V-X7hUs0DE
Revelasyon
Zimbabwe Cholera Outbreak-Calls For President Mugabe to Quit
Sasaye di:
Se Zimbabweyen ki pou deside si se pou prezidan yo ale.
Se pa ni wou, ni mwen.
Sa se rezonman politisyen aktivist manipilate ki vle pou yon pep rete nan fe nwa.
Se ti repons fasil pou bay pep vale e trompe yo!! Rakonte yo ti istwa batay hero indepandans pou fe ti moun pep la dodo!! Avan anyen se istwa indepandans batay ant nwa e blan!!
Sesa selman ke wou we ke w kab di komm komante nan sitiation Zimbabwe sa
Wou trouve ke se normal ke Mugabe rete o pouvwa pandan ke peyi a ap deperi.
Men kestion pou repond??
An Ayiti, Se sak fe se lot pep ak lot moun kap deside pou nou !
Nou pa gen je pou’m we ni zorey pou’m tande.
Le nou tap grandi nan peyi d'Ayiti, moun te komm soufri malnitrisyon!!
Konnyen la se mourri grangou ke yap mouri grangou.
Se nivo ki pi ba nan vie yon etre himain.
Donk wou panse ke rakonte pep la de istwa hero indepandans
Dessalines ak neg marron, fe yo pale kreyol tout jounen ap ranpli vant yo poussa???
Donk wou kap imajine nan ki stad nou rive konnyen la e di se pep la ki pou deside montre klerman ke wou se yon popilist manipilate!
Donk nou pakab chita rete tand ke se pep la ki pou deside si yon gouvenman dwe rete si li dwe ale!!
Politisyen popilist malfete ap manipile e intimide popilation an e fe yo we tout bagay an nwa e blan!!
Nan politik jounen jodya, li pli fasil pou jete yon gouvenman ke pou mete’l.
Fok Mugabe ale !! Mugabe pap we nouvo annee 2009 sa !!
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5V-X7hUs0DE
Revelasyon
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Re: Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
Sasaye Mer 10 Déc 2008 - 13:08
Monchè,
Al li enfomasyon ke m mete pou w aprann sa k ap pase an Afrik e lan tyèmonn.
Si w vle ouvè lespri w, wa konprann sa w di de Ayiti yo gen menm sous ak lan peyi saa. Men se pou w chita pou w li byen e absòbe sijè a, pou w sa konnen de kisa wa p pale.
Apre wa genyen yon lide de sa k rive e wa sispan sèvi kòz eksplwatè eropeyen ak meriken.
Al aprann leson w.
Al li enfomasyon ke m mete pou w aprann sa k ap pase an Afrik e lan tyèmonn.
Si w vle ouvè lespri w, wa konprann sa w di de Ayiti yo gen menm sous ak lan peyi saa. Men se pou w chita pou w li byen e absòbe sijè a, pou w sa konnen de kisa wa p pale.
Apre wa genyen yon lide de sa k rive e wa sispan sèvi kòz eksplwatè eropeyen ak meriken.
Al aprann leson w.
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Re: Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
revelation Mer 10 Déc 2008 - 13:50
Sasaye di:
Atik Stevens Cowans popilist liberal sa montre klerman ke wou pa interese nan pwoblem peyi wou!!
Wou chita Canada nan fredi la neige la ap repete rans aktivist liberal sa yo kap lague propagand ate kont institition etabli yo.
Se toujou imperialist blan yo ki mete nou nan mize!!
sepa nou!!
Nou pa jamb etan dirijan pran responsabilite nou an main!!
Se pa blan ke nou mete o pouvwa. Se neg parey nou!!
Donk pa vinn pale nou de blan!!
Vye exkiz sa yo pa a la mod anko mon fre.
Al gade video a pou we si li le pou Mugabe ale.
Prix Nobel de la Paix Desmond Tutu, neg afriken memm jan ak Mugabe mande pou'l ale.
Se pa blan selman!!
Kisa ke wou pa konprand la!!
De band konspiration theori, de imperialist blan, hero indepandan sa yo se rans.
Kisa Counterpunch jamb fe pou Ayiti?? 4 cyclon sot passe la kis yo fe??
Gade realite a devan wou e mande tet wou kijan pou nou soti nan mize sa!!
Se pa la penn pou nou kontinye ap plenyen de blan ki mete nou nan mize!! Nou komm sa deja!!
An nou guade kijan nap fe pou nou soti!!
Mugabe ap mache di ke se hero indepandans li ye pou fe pep la domi!!
Gade nan ki eta li mete Zimbabwe.
Mem' mete video sa anko pou we!!
Bay komante wou sou li!!
Pa vinn lague propagand anti imperialist la!!
Kenbe yo pou wou!!
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5V-X7hUs0DE
Revelasyon
Monchè,
Al li enfomasyon ke m mete pou w aprann sa k ap pase an Afrik e lan tyèmonn.
Si w vle ouvè lespri w, wa konprann sa w di de Ayiti yo gen menm sous ak lan peyi saa. Men se pou w chita pou w li byen e absòbe sijè a, pou w sa konnen de kisa wa p pale.
Apre wa genyen yon lide de sa k rive e wa sispan sèvi kòz eksplwatè eropeyen ak meriken.
Al aprann leson w.
Atik Stevens Cowans popilist liberal sa montre klerman ke wou pa interese nan pwoblem peyi wou!!
Wou chita Canada nan fredi la neige la ap repete rans aktivist liberal sa yo kap lague propagand ate kont institition etabli yo.
Se toujou imperialist blan yo ki mete nou nan mize!!
sepa nou!!
Nou pa jamb etan dirijan pran responsabilite nou an main!!
Se pa blan ke nou mete o pouvwa. Se neg parey nou!!
Donk pa vinn pale nou de blan!!
Vye exkiz sa yo pa a la mod anko mon fre.
Al gade video a pou we si li le pou Mugabe ale.
Prix Nobel de la Paix Desmond Tutu, neg afriken memm jan ak Mugabe mande pou'l ale.
Se pa blan selman!!
Kisa ke wou pa konprand la!!
De band konspiration theori, de imperialist blan, hero indepandan sa yo se rans.
Kisa Counterpunch jamb fe pou Ayiti?? 4 cyclon sot passe la kis yo fe??
Gade realite a devan wou e mande tet wou kijan pou nou soti nan mize sa!!
Se pa la penn pou nou kontinye ap plenyen de blan ki mete nou nan mize!! Nou komm sa deja!!
An nou guade kijan nap fe pou nou soti!!
Mugabe ap mache di ke se hero indepandans li ye pou fe pep la domi!!
Gade nan ki eta li mete Zimbabwe.
Mem' mete video sa anko pou we!!
Bay komante wou sou li!!
Pa vinn lague propagand anti imperialist la!!
Kenbe yo pou wou!!
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5V-X7hUs0DE
Revelasyon
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Re: Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
Sasaye Mer 10 Déc 2008 - 14:43
Revelasyon,
Mwen pèdi ase tan avè w.
Ou se yon ka pedi, yon robo.
Kisa pou yon moun fè avè w?
Bòn jounen mon frè.
Mwen pèdi ase tan avè w.
Ou se yon ka pedi, yon robo.
Kisa pou yon moun fè avè w?
Bòn jounen mon frè.
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Re: Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
Invité Mer 10 Déc 2008 - 15:30
A mon humble avis, cette épidémie ou pandémie de choléra semble etre causée par une main humaine afin de provoquer la chute accélérée de Mugabee.
Invité- Invité
Re: Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
jafrikayiti Mer 10 Déc 2008 - 15:54
"wobo ! " sa vle di yon machin ki deja pwograme pou li aji osnon reyaji yon jan - se sa Sasaye di osijè Revelasyon.
Se domaj, malgre tout ekzanp ki pase devan je nou, anpil nèg kontinye aji osnon reyaji ekzakteman selon pwogramsyon yo te resevwa sou ban lekol "frères de la programmation chrétienne" yo.
Jaf
Se domaj, malgre tout ekzanp ki pase devan je nou, anpil nèg kontinye aji osnon reyaji ekzakteman selon pwogramsyon yo te resevwa sou ban lekol "frères de la programmation chrétienne" yo.
Jaf
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Re: Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
revelation Mer 10 Déc 2008 - 16:14
Sasaye di : Revelasyon,
Mwen pèdi ase tan avè w. Ou se yon ka pedi, yon robo.
Kisa pou yon moun fè avè w?
Bòn jounen mon frè.
Jaf di: "wobo ! " sa vle di yon machin ki deja pwograme pou li aji osnon reyaji yon jan - se sa Sasaye di osijè Revelasyon.
Se domaj, malgre tout ekzanp ki pase devan je nou, anpil nèg kontinye aji osnon reyaji ekzakteman selon pwogramsyon yo te resevwa sou ban lekol "frères de la programmation chrétienne" yo.
M'te konnen ke kamarad Jaf tap vinn kole zepol avek wou!!
Se repons sa yo ke yo montre tout aktivist pou yo toujou bay le yo kenbe yo nan manti.
Vire won kou toupi e vire tab la sou lot moun. Le yo kenbe yo nan manti propagand, repons yo se di: Wou memm tou wap fe propagand la dwat.
Blan la dwat nou yo se missione'r kap konstwi legliz, lekol, klinik, kafeteria, klass kompite'r, distribye la Bible e pawol levanjil.
Sispand souwiv ti blan gochist kap fe ti neg fe tintin.
Blan sa Yo pa jamb vinn ede pep Ayisyen, ni bay sink kob pandan cyclon nan, men yo gen bouch pou kritike.
Yo fô nan sa.
Solition Ayiti, se nan men Ayisyen li ye !!
Revelasyon
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Re: Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
revelation Mer 10 Déc 2008 - 16:17
Colocolo a dit : A mon humble avis, cette épidémie ou pandémie de choléra semble être causée par une main humaine afin de provoquer la chute accélérée de Mugabe.
Ala komante'r sinik papa!!
Il semble que la main des blancs est un peu partout, donc les dirigeants noirs n’ont pas à justifier leur médiocrité, et carence de leadership.
Aaaah, ces blancs, manitous de malheur.
Revelation
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Re: Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
Sasaye Mer 10 Déc 2008 - 16:30
Malgre degoutans mwen, fok mwen mande w:
Ki kote wou kenbe m lan manti?
Banm yon ekzanp lan atik ki deranje w la kote yon manti ye.
Epi sa k fè w pa reponn kestyon mwen te poze w yo.
Epi mete tèt ou an plas.
Eske w vle pale de Zimbabwe oubyen Ayiti.
Tankou yon timakak, wa p balanse sou de branch.
Ke w a kase wi.
Ki kote wou kenbe m lan manti?
Banm yon ekzanp lan atik ki deranje w la kote yon manti ye.
Epi sa k fè w pa reponn kestyon mwen te poze w yo.
Epi mete tèt ou an plas.
Eske w vle pale de Zimbabwe oubyen Ayiti.
Tankou yon timakak, wa p balanse sou de branch.
Ke w a kase wi.
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Re: Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
revelation Mer 10 Déc 2008 - 17:32
Sasaye di:
Manti a aktivist popilist wou yo di ke se blan ki deye maladi kolera e pwoblem ekonomik Zimbabwe.
Se manti paske se pa sa selman!!
Fok wou gen kouraj pou ranmase karakte wou e blame Mugabe tou!!
Fok wou sispand bwe kool aid sa nou fre.
Vre Wobo a se wou!! Wou avek de fanatism. Wou pa we e wou pa tande se politik popilist.
Sasaye di:
Vre makak aveg la se wou mon fre!!
si wou te gade tet wou nan glass, wou ta we ke pa gen diferans ant Ayiti e Zimbawe!!
Answit Stevens Cowans fe analoji Aristide avek Mugabe nan atik li a.
Sanble ke wou pa mem li atik la?
Al reli anko.
Men bon atik pou li!!
You atik ki byen balanse e ki pa gen fos kote!!
Se moun serye kab bay opinion yo sou sitiasyon Zimba bwe a.
San manti e san pati pri!!
Yo di la verite a kle!!
US, world influence over Mugabe limited
Despite President Bush's strong words Tuesday, few levers exist to force Zimbabwe's leader out.
By Howard LaFranchi | Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor
from the December 11, 2008 edition
Washington - President Bush's eleventh-hour call for Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe to step down may have little realistic chance of influencing the African strongman. But it says much about the international community's failure to bring down the world's worst tyrants.
Mr. Bush this week joined British Prime Minister Gordon Brown and French President Nicolas Sarkozy in declaring that the time has come for Mr. Mugabe – one of Africa's last lions of liberation from white minority rule, but also a despot who resists democratization – to step aside for new leadership.
Zimbabwe, once Africa's breadbasket and relatively prosperous, is sinking into chaos over the failure to implement a power-sharing accord reached in September between Mugabe and opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai.
On Tuesday, Bush said, "It is time for Robert Mugabe to go."
But with Bush about to leave office, the international community showing little appetite for taking a forceful stand, and the African Union shying away from anything more than dialogue to resolve the crisis, most analysts see little impact from Bush's words.
"It's good to hear this kind of declaration, because it shows the international community is with the people, but it's far from enough to make a difference," says George Ayittey, a prominent Ghanaian economist and a professor at American University in Washington.
"The regime won't be moved by words."
Zimbabwe already stood on the verge of collapse, with a worsening food shortage, services at a standstill, and the economy in chaos. But now, an outbreak of cholera has affected more than 14,000 people and caused more than 600 deaths, according to the United Nations.
Members of Mugabe's inner circle of supporters say the world – and in particular the "white West" – is trying to use the cholera outbreak to impose its wishes on a sovereign country.
No mechanism to deal with dictators
But what Zimbabwe may illustrate more graphically is how ineffective the world remains at addressing the problem of entrenched dictators.
In a recent interview summing up her experience in the Bush administration, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said she was "still really appalled at the inability of the international community to deal with tyrants."
Singling out the cases of Zimbabwe and Burma (Myanmar), Ms. Rice said the world remains unable to mobilize "international will" to take on tyrants.
"Condoleezza Rice is absolutely right, we don't have a mechanism to deal with these terrible dictators," says Jeswald Salacuse, a specialist in international dispute settlement at Tufts University's Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy in Medford, Mass.
The only thing likely to get a tyrant's attention is a threatening use of force, Mr. Salacuse says.
But he adds that the global opposition to the American war to depose Saddam Hussein illustrates how little appetite there is for internationally imposed regime change.
"There are few things these dictators worry about, and it's not the world's disapproval," Salacuse says. "It's either intervention, or meaningful economic sanctions that really hurt."
But others cast doubt on the effectiveness of sanctions.
"History shows it's very hard to use sanctions to get a regime to change its behavior," says Randall Newnham, an expert in economic aid and sanctions as a foreign policy tool at Pennsylvania State University's Berks College in Reading.
"The idea is that you make things hard for the people so that they rise up against the despot, but generally the result has been to accomplish the former but not the latter."
That's because "the clique around the leader" controls the levers of power and benefits from the smuggling and other practices that arise to offset sanctions, Dr. Newnham says.
Do smart sanctions work?
That problem has given rise to what are called "smart sanctions," he says, which are designed to hit the regime while sparing the general population.
For instance, this week the European Union increased its "smart sanctions" on Zimbabwe by adding 11 names to a list of regime military and other officials barred from traveling to or dealing with EU countries.
But critics note that EU sanctions on Zimbabwe have been in effect since 2002 with evidently little impact.
American University's Dr. Ayittey says experience demonstrates that there are only two options to influence Mugabe: a concerted effort from Zimbabwe's neighbors or a threat of international intervention.
"If you had an African economic blockade, Zimbabwe wouldn't last a week," he says.
Ayittey says South Africa especially, being a crucial economic lifeline for Zimbabwe, could play an influential role in the crisis.
Yet, even though South Africa's former president, Thabo Mbeki, brokered the power-sharing deal between Mugabe and Mr. Tsvangirai, the African powerhouse country appears unwilling to apply any meaningful pressure on the regime.
Short of a tougher response from Zimbabwe's neighbors, Ayittey says it's time for the international community to "stop playing politically correct" with Africa's dictators "and their bogus accusations of white recolonization" and intervene by force – preferably by the UN declaring Zimbabwe a "protectorate" and deposing the regime.
Fletcher's Salacuse sees no chance of that happening. "The small countries in particular are worried about this, they would see it as the violation of a sovereign state," he says. "They'd say, 'If it can happen to Mugabe, it can happen to us.' "
http://www.csmonitor.com/2008/1211/p03s02-usfp.html
Atik sa pa gen fos kote ladann!!
Chak moun dwat ou goch bay opinion yo!!
Analize!!, reflechi!!, fe komante!! bay opinyon!!
Aprand fe bagay konsa olye ke wou ap vinn lague atik ki pale de Aristide, retou Aristide, yon band ranss.
Avanse pi devan monfre!!
Malgre degoutans mwen, fok mwen mande w:
Ki kote wou kenbe m lan manti?
Banm yon ekzanp lan atik ki deranje w la kote yon manti ye.
Manti a aktivist popilist wou yo di ke se blan ki deye maladi kolera e pwoblem ekonomik Zimbabwe.
Se manti paske se pa sa selman!!
Fok wou gen kouraj pou ranmase karakte wou e blame Mugabe tou!!
Fok wou sispand bwe kool aid sa nou fre.
Vre Wobo a se wou!! Wou avek de fanatism. Wou pa we e wou pa tande se politik popilist.
Sasaye di:
Epi mete tèt ou an plas.
Eske w vle pale de Zimbabwe oubyen Ayiti.
Tankou yon timakak, wa p balanse sou de branch.
Ke w a kase wi.
Vre makak aveg la se wou mon fre!!
si wou te gade tet wou nan glass, wou ta we ke pa gen diferans ant Ayiti e Zimbawe!!
Answit Stevens Cowans fe analoji Aristide avek Mugabe nan atik li a.
Sanble ke wou pa mem li atik la?
Al reli anko.
Men bon atik pou li!!
You atik ki byen balanse e ki pa gen fos kote!!
Se moun serye kab bay opinion yo sou sitiasyon Zimba bwe a.
San manti e san pati pri!!
Yo di la verite a kle!!
US, world influence over Mugabe limited
Despite President Bush's strong words Tuesday, few levers exist to force Zimbabwe's leader out.
By Howard LaFranchi | Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor
from the December 11, 2008 edition
Washington - President Bush's eleventh-hour call for Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe to step down may have little realistic chance of influencing the African strongman. But it says much about the international community's failure to bring down the world's worst tyrants.
Mr. Bush this week joined British Prime Minister Gordon Brown and French President Nicolas Sarkozy in declaring that the time has come for Mr. Mugabe – one of Africa's last lions of liberation from white minority rule, but also a despot who resists democratization – to step aside for new leadership.
Zimbabwe, once Africa's breadbasket and relatively prosperous, is sinking into chaos over the failure to implement a power-sharing accord reached in September between Mugabe and opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai.
On Tuesday, Bush said, "It is time for Robert Mugabe to go."
But with Bush about to leave office, the international community showing little appetite for taking a forceful stand, and the African Union shying away from anything more than dialogue to resolve the crisis, most analysts see little impact from Bush's words.
"It's good to hear this kind of declaration, because it shows the international community is with the people, but it's far from enough to make a difference," says George Ayittey, a prominent Ghanaian economist and a professor at American University in Washington.
"The regime won't be moved by words."
Zimbabwe already stood on the verge of collapse, with a worsening food shortage, services at a standstill, and the economy in chaos. But now, an outbreak of cholera has affected more than 14,000 people and caused more than 600 deaths, according to the United Nations.
Members of Mugabe's inner circle of supporters say the world – and in particular the "white West" – is trying to use the cholera outbreak to impose its wishes on a sovereign country.
No mechanism to deal with dictators
But what Zimbabwe may illustrate more graphically is how ineffective the world remains at addressing the problem of entrenched dictators.
In a recent interview summing up her experience in the Bush administration, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said she was "still really appalled at the inability of the international community to deal with tyrants."
Singling out the cases of Zimbabwe and Burma (Myanmar), Ms. Rice said the world remains unable to mobilize "international will" to take on tyrants.
"Condoleezza Rice is absolutely right, we don't have a mechanism to deal with these terrible dictators," says Jeswald Salacuse, a specialist in international dispute settlement at Tufts University's Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy in Medford, Mass.
The only thing likely to get a tyrant's attention is a threatening use of force, Mr. Salacuse says.
But he adds that the global opposition to the American war to depose Saddam Hussein illustrates how little appetite there is for internationally imposed regime change.
"There are few things these dictators worry about, and it's not the world's disapproval," Salacuse says. "It's either intervention, or meaningful economic sanctions that really hurt."
But others cast doubt on the effectiveness of sanctions.
"History shows it's very hard to use sanctions to get a regime to change its behavior," says Randall Newnham, an expert in economic aid and sanctions as a foreign policy tool at Pennsylvania State University's Berks College in Reading.
"The idea is that you make things hard for the people so that they rise up against the despot, but generally the result has been to accomplish the former but not the latter."
That's because "the clique around the leader" controls the levers of power and benefits from the smuggling and other practices that arise to offset sanctions, Dr. Newnham says.
Do smart sanctions work?
That problem has given rise to what are called "smart sanctions," he says, which are designed to hit the regime while sparing the general population.
For instance, this week the European Union increased its "smart sanctions" on Zimbabwe by adding 11 names to a list of regime military and other officials barred from traveling to or dealing with EU countries.
But critics note that EU sanctions on Zimbabwe have been in effect since 2002 with evidently little impact.
American University's Dr. Ayittey says experience demonstrates that there are only two options to influence Mugabe: a concerted effort from Zimbabwe's neighbors or a threat of international intervention.
"If you had an African economic blockade, Zimbabwe wouldn't last a week," he says.
Ayittey says South Africa especially, being a crucial economic lifeline for Zimbabwe, could play an influential role in the crisis.
Yet, even though South Africa's former president, Thabo Mbeki, brokered the power-sharing deal between Mugabe and Mr. Tsvangirai, the African powerhouse country appears unwilling to apply any meaningful pressure on the regime.
Short of a tougher response from Zimbabwe's neighbors, Ayittey says it's time for the international community to "stop playing politically correct" with Africa's dictators "and their bogus accusations of white recolonization" and intervene by force – preferably by the UN declaring Zimbabwe a "protectorate" and deposing the regime.
Fletcher's Salacuse sees no chance of that happening. "The small countries in particular are worried about this, they would see it as the violation of a sovereign state," he says. "They'd say, 'If it can happen to Mugabe, it can happen to us.' "
http://www.csmonitor.com/2008/1211/p03s02-usfp.html
Atik sa pa gen fos kote ladann!!
Chak moun dwat ou goch bay opinion yo!!
Analize!!, reflechi!!, fe komante!! bay opinyon!!
Aprand fe bagay konsa olye ke wou ap vinn lague atik ki pale de Aristide, retou Aristide, yon band ranss.
Avanse pi devan monfre!!
revelation- Super Star
-
Nombre de messages : 3086
Localisation : Washington, DC
Opinion politique : Senior Financial Analyst
Loisirs : walking, jogging, basket, tennis
Date d'inscription : 21/08/2006
Feuille de personnage
Jeu de rôle: L'analyste
Re: Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
Joel Mer 10 Déc 2008 - 18:01
[b]A la traka ,
Mwen sonje pandan premye koudeta kont Aristide lan ,lè dèyè ti nèg te lan recho ;y ap di ke gouvènman Clinton lan gen fès kote.
Tonnè!
Yo fè yon koudeta ,yo touye de milye de moun ki pa t fè yo anyen,lè yo anbarase Clinton pou l vin kwape yo ;nèg ap di ,gen fòs kote.
Se pa toutan kouto an ka koupe tou lè de bò.Mesye yo p[a t gen dwa bay Aristide koudeta ;kilès ki te ba yo dwa sa a?
E se nòmal tou pou Aristide tounen lan peyi l.
Se posib tou ke OBAMA gen dwa wè se lan enterè ameriken ,lan enterè demokrasi pou l fè l tounen.
Aristide pa yon menas pou enterè ameriken ;se pou gouvènman ameriken an reyalize ke moun ki ap fè koudeta ,maten midi e swa yo pa lan enterè ameriken vre;paske mesye sa yo se enstabilite y ap plede kreye.
N a espere ,ke yon nouvèl jenerasyon lidè ap wè sa.
Tout bagay anonse ke OBAMA pral leve anbago an kont KIBA ,misye te al lan Miyami menm devan kiben yo ,pou l di sa .
An plis 55% Kiben an ba 30 an te vote pou OBAMA.
WI ARISTIDE AP TOUNEN ,SE POU L TOUNEN e ou pa bezwen pro Aristide pou w di sa.
Mwen sonje pandan premye koudeta kont Aristide lan ,lè dèyè ti nèg te lan recho ;y ap di ke gouvènman Clinton lan gen fès kote.
Tonnè!
Yo fè yon koudeta ,yo touye de milye de moun ki pa t fè yo anyen,lè yo anbarase Clinton pou l vin kwape yo ;nèg ap di ,gen fòs kote.
Se pa toutan kouto an ka koupe tou lè de bò.Mesye yo p[a t gen dwa bay Aristide koudeta ;kilès ki te ba yo dwa sa a?
E se nòmal tou pou Aristide tounen lan peyi l.
Se posib tou ke OBAMA gen dwa wè se lan enterè ameriken ,lan enterè demokrasi pou l fè l tounen.
Aristide pa yon menas pou enterè ameriken ;se pou gouvènman ameriken an reyalize ke moun ki ap fè koudeta ,maten midi e swa yo pa lan enterè ameriken vre;paske mesye sa yo se enstabilite y ap plede kreye.
N a espere ,ke yon nouvèl jenerasyon lidè ap wè sa.
Tout bagay anonse ke OBAMA pral leve anbago an kont KIBA ,misye te al lan Miyami menm devan kiben yo ,pou l di sa .
An plis 55% Kiben an ba 30 an te vote pou OBAMA.
WI ARISTIDE AP TOUNEN ,SE POU L TOUNEN e ou pa bezwen pro Aristide pou w di sa.
Joel- Super Star
-
Nombre de messages : 17750
Localisation : USA
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Re: Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état
Sasaye Mer 10 Déc 2008 - 18:02
Christian Science Monitor?
Se referans ou sa?
Ou se youn timakak vre.
Ou gen yo pwoblèm ak idantite w.
Koumanman!!! gen sikyat lan Washington wi.
Se referans ou sa?
Ou se youn timakak vre.
Ou gen yo pwoblèm ak idantite w.
Koumanman!!! gen sikyat lan Washington wi.
Sasaye- Super Star
-
Nombre de messages : 8252
Localisation : Canada
Opinion politique : Indépendance totale
Loisirs : Arts et Musique, Pale Ayisien
Date d'inscription : 02/03/2007
Feuille de personnage
Jeu de rôle: Maestro
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» La residence du president Mugabe du Zimbabwe
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