Zimbabwe-Mugabe : La Nécessité d’un Coup d’état

Rappel du premier message :

C’est vraiment étrange qu’on doit se résigner à appuyer un coup d’état à un gouvernement qui a été élu démocratiquement par son peuple. C’est vraiment triste et immoral. Mais une telle décision devrait se base sur une nécessité politique et humaine. Il faut qu’il y soit une urgence immédiate. Nous venons de passer prés de 30 ans de dictature, et maintenant une vingtaine d’années de bamboche démocratique et notre condition étant que peuple n’a rien apporte de positive, au contraire elle s’aggrave de mal en pire.

Un coup d’état est’ il l’antidote d’une dictatorship?

Quels sont les signes avant-coureurs d’un dictatorship et quel est le moment propice pour un coup d’état??
On demande de dechouker Président du Zimbabwe Robert Mugabe et le remplacer par qui et par quel system?
Nous arrivons dans un point ou il n’a plus de dictatorship, mais des clan-ships, des groupes des amis politiques, des banquiers ou gambistes qui décident de passer le pouvoir comme un ballon de football en faisant des petites passes l’un a l’autre. Sur le terrain ils changent de position, mais l’équipe reste, donc pas une chance pour des réservistes.
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A Man Who Once Loved Mugabe
By Anonymous
Sunday, June 29, 2008; B01
HARARE, Zimbabwe -- My father, who lives in Zimbabwe's countryside, wrote me a letter the other day. The 74-year-old man wrote that he had not had soap, cooking oil, sugar or tea leaves -- virtually anything -- for a very long time. Could I help? And if I had any old shoes that I was no longer using, could I send them to him?
I felt castrated as I read his words. Like many Zimbabweans, I am in no position to aid my loved ones; I had been out of a job for a whole year when I got the letter. My father might have forgotten that, or simply been so desperate that he just had to let me know about his plight.
The company I had worked for had closed down without any fanfare, and severance packages were not paid. In an eerie way, the demise of our company mirrored the demise of our country: The bosses at the top had proven adept at ruining the company, not at running it efficiently with the welfare of the people at heart. So we paid the price.
Now here was my father, asking for help I was honor-bound to give but simply could not provide. I was filled with impotent rage -- the same feeling my fellow citizens get as we watch Zimbabwe spiral out of control, caught in the turbulence of bad, self-serving decisions by the powers that be, ostensibly on our behalf but always at our expense.

In particular, my father's case fills me with simmering fury because he has been a staunch supporter of President Robert Mugabe's party, the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), ever since the 1960s, when he had served the liberation fighters in any way he could in their struggle against then-Rhodesia's British overlords. Back in the 1990s, when Mugabe's rule was turning sour, I was amazed still to find in my father's house an official portrait of the president.

When my father was in his early 60s, he wrote to inform me that he had taken up a job in a different district as a secretary for his beloved party. He was eventually forced to retire, and he has been trying to eke out a living as a peasant farmer ever since. My father has been devoted to the party that he says has nurtured him over the years. What does he have to show for it? The very people he has pledged his loyalty to over the decades are the ones responsible for his plight.

It is not just my father who is writing letters of lamentation; almost every one of us has plumbed the bottoms of our hearts every day. We may never write those thoughts down, but each moment we spend agonizing about how we are going to make ends meet is, in essence, the sending of a plea -- one that no one, sadly, seems to be able to answer.
T
he hope of change offered by the March 29 presidential election has been ruthlessly and systematically crushed, and all that remains is the stains of our butchered dreams. Like my father, we have all been betrayed, treated shoddily and been victimized for daring to speak our minds. In Zimbabwe, if you question a wrong or criticize an injustice, you are labeled a member of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change. Since the regime rabidly calls the opposition puppets of the West, that label can have dire consequences.

One relative, a tobacco seller in his early 40s, was particularly bitter about the youth militia that is carrying out most of the regime's dirty work: boys and girls barely out of their teens who are ordering elderly men and women about with impunity. "Tisu tirikutonga," they declare: We are the ones in power and control. And so they are.

"What hurts me the most," my relative said, "is that at my age, I have to live in constant fear. To come here to Harare, we had to ask for permission, and on our return, we have to go and report that we are back. . . . I am not a politician. I just want to earn a decent living and get by."

"The problem is that there are people who did not tell Mugabe the truth," another relative pointed out. "They lied to him that he was still popular. When he came to address rallies, they bused people from all over the province, and it was the same crowds that were ferried to the different venues, most of them forced. When Mugabe saw them teeming in their multitudes, dutifully cheering and applauding him, he thought they truly loved him."

No longer. If anything, our trials and tribulations have deepened with the failure of March 29 to materialize into meaningful change -- a stillborn hope that haunts us.
There is a surreal quality to the crisis unfolding here. For the many citizens who depend on the state media, it is business as usual, featuring robust coverage of Mugabe's campaign appearances. Opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai's withdrawal from the run-off vote that was held Friday was treated like a non-event. One neighbor, a devout soccer fan, observed, "This is like having a penalty shootout with only one team.

" But Mugabe seems to see nothing wrong with banging the ball into an empty net, then sprinting down the field celebrating his victory. In fact, he does not seem to mind playing the entire match on his own. As long as he is playing, all is well with him.

But for the rest of us -- for my father, my relatives and friends, my country -- all is not well. The other day, a devout Mugabe supporter had assured a friend of mine that once Mugabe had clinched his victory, the terrible inflation wracking the economy would go down, probably a day or so after his inauguration.

Such people seem to believe that diesel could come out of a rock. We ordinary Zimbabweans do not deal with inflation by making unrealistic assurances; we deal with it in its grittier, raw form, in our day-to-day struggle for survival. Last week, Zimbabwe's dollar fell a staggering 80 percent on the country's illegal currency markets as people hunkered down before the presidential runoff. In barely a week, the price of a loaf of bread -- which can be found only on the black market -- has shot up from $1 billion to more than $6 billion, but even that could have changed by the time this article appears. In less than two weeks, we have watched the fares for a commuter omnibus, our common means of public transportation, shoot up from $500 million to a price somewhere in the billions.

In Zimbabwe, we talk of these billions without batting an eyelid. A friend from my neighborhood has a 4-year-old son who is in kindergarten. The other day, I saw this boy holding a wad of $50 million notes; unless they all amounted to a billion of our dollars, he could not buy a mere sweet with them.

Even our kindergarteners have to be billionaires these days. Zimbabwean tycoons now talk in terms of quadrillions of dollars. I still haven't been able to get my essentially artistic mind around denominations with nine zeroes, much less 15. You should see the people frowning, trying to count the bank notes.

As I count, I think of my father. His needs cannot be met, let alone my own. The skyrocketing rise in the cost of transport and basic goods, most of which can be bought only on the black market, means that what one earns is less than what one must spend on survival. Yet day in and day out, people trek to and from work.

I can only conclude that we have all been turned into criminals of one kind or another, selling and buying on the black market in order to make ends meet -- which they barely do. And all we want is better lives for ourselves and our children -- and an aging father who once believed in Robert Mugabe.
The author is a Zimbabwean writer. The Washington Post is withholding his name for safety reasons.

How to Handle Dictators
Wednesday, June 25, 2008; Page A12 Washington Post
In a June 22 Outlook commentary,
"The Only Answer to the Mugabes of the World May Be a Coup," Paul Collier advocated encouraging coups to topple dictators and achieve "improved governance" in "such sad little states as Zimbabwe and Burma."
For him, those countries' governments are equivalent to their leaders, President Robert Mugabe and Senior Gen. Than Shwe.
But history shows that coups beget counter-coups. While living and working in Southeast Asia and sub-Saharan Africa, I witnessed sprees of illiberal governance that only worsened the prospects for democratic rule in those places. And if developed countries were to adopt Mr. Collier's recommendation, Mr. Mugabe would be likely to interpret that approach as vindicating his contention that neocolonial rule is the cause of Zimbabwe's ills.
The government in a country such as Zimbabwe or Burma is not merely a strongman but a collection of interests and groups.
Western countries should step up external pressure on the ruling cliques and support local initiatives that promote good governance.
This course is morally right and politically wise.

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/gallery/2008/03/31/GA2008033101298.html?hpid=topnews

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/7476754.stm

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7476712.stm

Il ne faut pas oublier le jugement de Nuremberg.Hitler et les Generaux du Reich etaient aussi puissants que Goerges Bush pourtant le tribunal de Nuremberg les a condamnés à la pendaison.

Aucun delinquant quelque soit sa couleur et son origine devrait pouvoir se derober à la justice.C'est à ce prix qu'on eliminera les hecatombes sur cette terre.

Les pays occidentaux devraient suspendre ces sanctions inutiles qui ne servent qu'à empirer la situation des pauvres.Robert Mugabe ne s'inquiete pas de ces sanctions.Il pourra toujours s'approvisionner dans les pays voisins.

Bientot on aura des refigués zimbabweens comme ceux de Darfour et du Congo.Mugabe lui jouira toujours de ses richesses sans s'inquieter.Il faut qu'on lui fasse comprendre il n'aura pas la protection d'aucun pays s'il engendre un bain de sang au Zimbabwe.Il sera jugé pour crime contre l'humanité.

Le Monde.fr

L'AFRIQUE DU SUD MISE EN CAUSE PAR L'OPPOSITION

L'opposition zimbabwéenne accuse, samedi, l'Afrique du Sud d'avoir empêché le Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU de déclarer illégitime le résultat de la présidentielle au Zimbabwe."Ce que nous espérerions de la communauté internationale, c'est de déclarer illégitime cette soi-disant élection", a déclaré le porte-parole du MDC. Le président sud-africain Thabo Mbeki"abandonne le peuple du Zimbabwe en agissant comme s'il protégeait un Etat voyou", a poursuivi le porte-parole."Le fait que la communauté internationale marche sur la pointe des pieds fertilise indirectement la répression au Zimbabwe", a-t-il ajouté.

Ces déclarations interviennent après l'échec du Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU à s'entendre, vendredi 27 juin, sur un texte qui aurait déclaré illégitime le résultat de la présidentielle au Zimbabwe. Les quinze membres ont estimé que "les conditions d'une élection libre et équitable n'étaient pas réunies" à l'occasion du second tour de l'élection présidentielle au Zimbabwe et ont "regretté profondément qu'il ait eu lieu dans ces circonstances", a dit l'ambassadeur américain Zalmay Khalilzad.


L'ambassadeur d'Afrique du Sud Dumisani Kumalo, dont le pays tente une médiation dans la crise politique au Zimbabwe, a empêché l'adoption d'un projet de déclaration beaucoup plus fort. Dans sa première version, la déclaration du Conseil, qui selon plusieurs diplomates avait été rédigée par la Grande-Bretagne, stipulait que les résultats du premier tour "doivent être respectés" - ce qui revenait, en substance, à déclarer que Tsvangirai était le vrai président du Zimbabwe.

L'adoption de ce texte, rédigé par la Grande-Bretagne, nécessitait l'unanimité des 15 membres du Conseil mais M. Kumalo s'y est fermement opposé, entraînant dans son sillage d'autres pays dont la Russie, selon les diplomates. M. Kumalo a expliqué à la presse sa position, arguant que "la certification d'élections n'entre pas dans les compétences du Conseil". Le diplomate sud-africain a également plaidé pour que le Conseil de sécurité ne gêne pas, en adoptant un texte trop fort, l'action de l'Union africaine (UA), qui tente elle aussi de dénouer la crise zimbabwéenne. L'UA se réunit en sommet lundi à Charm-el-Cheikh (Egypte) et doit discuter du Zimbabwe.

Le quotidien zimbabwéen Herald affirme samedi que la participation au second tour de l'élection présidentielle, vendredi, a sans doute atteint un taux record, ce qui est, juge-t-il, un camouflet pour les dirigeants étrangers. Le chef de file de l'opposition Morgan Tsvangirai a jugé vendredi ce scrutin "illégitime", tout comme les pays occidentaux. Le Herald contredit les informations des médias internationaux selon lesquels une forte proportion de Zimbabwéens ont boycotté le second tour. "Les premières informations en provenance des bureaux de vote de tout le pays laissent penser qu'il devrait s'agir du taux de participation le plus élevé dans l'histoire du Zimbabwe, ce qui constitue un camouflet pour ceux qui ont parlé d'une 'élection Mugabe', écrit le Herald

Revelation a écrit :Immédiatement après notre indépendance en 1804 un de nos jeunes héros Jean Jacques Dessalines a rapidement pris le devant et s’est déclaré empereur a vie. Et les autres héros qui se sont sacrifies aussi pour leur pays, ils n’auront rien ?? C’est pourquoi la majorité d’entre eux sont morts assassinés, ou bien partis en exil.

Reaction

Sa wou di la se sa nett. si Dessalines pap bay move examp sa ayiti te ka lwen kounyea. Il ne fait aucun doute que cette maladie empereur à vie , président à vie, chef parti politique à vie se transmet de génération en génération dans le continent africain et chez les afro-antillais en particulier chez les haitiens.

Bon mwen pa finn dakò net ke se te yon movè ekzanp ke Dessalines te trase.genyen yon moman nan listwa yon peyi fok genyen stabilite pou anpeche ke move zwazo fè dapiyan sou peyi ya.pou mwen se pa ni ampere a vi ni presidan a vi ki pwoblem lan se sa moun ki Presidan a vi ou byen anperè a vi fè ak pouvwa a, li ta pi bon vre ke genyen yon alternans de tans zan tan tankou sa fet o Zeta Zuni. mentou genyen yon epok nan serten peyi fok genyen yon moun ki genyen pway ki pou fè chanjman ki merite fet yo.

Annou konpare kay Mugabe ak kay Fidel castro ki genyen preske 50 lane o pouvwa. an nou gade pwogrè ki fet nan tou 2 peyi yo. mwen pa konnen ki les ki genyen plis richess.men nou ka di pa genyen anpil diferans ant richess 2 peyi yo.moun pap mouri grangou kiba.se kiba ki ap voye doktè nan lot peyi al ba malere swen 'kiba ap eksplwate lwil lakay li jodya ;yap fabrike machinn ki pou detekte maladi ;pep kiben pa yon pep iletre.sida,tiberkiloz ,malarya pap ravaje popilatyon an.yon popilatyon de 12 millyon moun genyen preske yon milyon etidyan nan iniversite.Menm trujillo tou menm si li te yon sanginè diktatè men li te fè peyi ya fè pwogrè.

lè nap gade yon peyi tankou kongo si Mobutu pat yon dwet long eske kongo ta dwe nan eta saa jodya.O japon genyen yon emperè ki a vi men sa pa vle di ke Japonè yo pa fè pwogrè. genyen yon premye Minis ki la pou fè peyi ya mache depi li pa fè travay li yo kouri ak li.Dessalines te ka rete amperè si li te delege pouvwa a ba yon Premye Minis.pou mwen sa ki enpotan se sa moun ki a la tet peyi ya ap fè.Renn dangletè ya a vi men Premye minis la pa a vi.

pwoblem dirijan ayisyen ak afriken yo la plipa nan yo se kolon an yo te beswen ranplase men yo pa tap lite pou liberte ,egalite , fraternite vre.se sak fè lè yo pran pouvwa yo volò ,yo touye advèsè politik yo paske yo pa vle pèdi privlilej ke pouvwa ba yo.Se sak fè pou mwen Mandela se yonn nan pi gran chef deta afriken de tou tan.non selman mou pa tande nonl nomen nan volò. men tou ou pa tande ke li te vle kenbe pouvwa a vi.E nap wè pi devan valè Mandela :Afrik di Sid genyen poul tounen yon model pou tout peyi afrik yo.

Premièrement ,Marc s'est fait avoir avec ces prétendues photos de la résidence de Mugabe.
Remarquez,pas une présence humaine sur ces photos.On pourrait les avoir prises sur Mars(lol).
Il faut que cette personne qui a envoyé ces photos prouve qu'elles ont été prises au Zimbabwe.Rico anyone? (lol).

Deuxièmement ,Mugabe est ce qu'il est.Il n'y a pas de doute qu'il aime son pays ,parce qu'il a passé environ 20 ans dans la brousse ,dans des conditions archi-difficiles,combattant pour son indépendance.
Je pense qu'il y aura une sorte de "settlement" identique à celle du Kenya.Il y aura un gouvernement de coalition ou Tsanvgarai jouera un grand role.
N'oublerons pas que nous avions une situation similaire en Dominicanie avec Balaguer.Cela s'est résolvée à l'amiable.On aurait pu avoir une grande effusion de sang en République Dominicaine,mème une guerre civile mais tout le monde avait guardé la tète froide et la démocratie s'en est sortie renforcée.

Si l'opposition haitienne était une opposition patriote et avaIt accepté la proposition de l'embassadeur américain BRIAN DEAN CURREN,accepté par Aristide,ou Aristide finirait son mandat et ou on aurait un premier ministre issu de l'opposition ,pensez vous qu'on aurait les troubles de ces dernières années?

PENSEZ Y!

Joel

Vous doutez que ces photos soient vraiment la residence de Mugabe?oui mugabe a lutté pour l'independance de son pays c'est vrai mais cela ne lui autorise pas à violer les droits de ses concitoyens d'elire librement leurs dirigeants.S'il a perdu les elections ;il devrait se courber à la volonté populaire.il ne devrait pas ordonner à ses partisans de massacrer les opposants.

Vous ne pouvez pas comparer la situation au Zimbabwe à celle de la Republique Dominicaine.Qui a obtenu la majorité des bulletins au premier tour du scrutin;est-ce Mugabe ou le leader de l'opposition?De quelle majorité s'agit-il au Zimbabwe;est-ce la majorite absolue ou la majorité simple.Les Domincains n'avaient pas voulu un second tour parce que le president avait obtenu plus de voix que le leader de l'opposition bien qu'il n'avait pas obtenu la majorite necessaire pour eviter un second tour.Est-ce la meme situation qui prevaut au Zimbabwe.Nous connaissons tous les resultats de ces elections truquées qui donnent au dictateur la majorite des voix frauduleusement.Si Mugabe avait obtenu plus de voix legalement ;je suis d'accord que l'opposition devrait se courber à la volonte populaire dès lors que la Constitution du pays accorde au President le droit de se succeder sans aucun limite au nombre de mandats.

Élection au Zimbabwe: Mugabe plébiscité


(Source: Radio-Canada) Sans surprise, Robert Mugabe est proclamé vainqueur d'une élection présidentielle largement dénoncée comme une farce électorale et dans laquelle il était le seul candidat. Le Prix Nobel de la paix Desmond Tutu se dit favorable à une intervention militaire pour destituer l'homme fort du pays.


Le président zimbabwéen Robert Mugabe a été proclamé dimanche président, au lendemain d'un scrutin unanimement dénoncé et durant lequel il a été le seul candidat.

Le chef de l'État sortant obtient presque la totalité des suffrages dans 8 provinces sur les 10 que compte le pays, selon la Commission électorale du Zimbabwe.

Une grande partie des bulletins ont été rejetés, vraisemblablement marqués par des remarques à l'intention du pouvoir écrites par des électeurs désabusés.

Le plus vieux chef d'État d'Afrique, qui a passé 28 ans au pouvoir, a proclamé dès samedi « une victoire écrasante », avant même la publication des résultats officiels.

La cérémonie d'investiture est prévue dimanche, avant que Mugabe se rende en tant que chef d'État au sommet de l'Union africaine (UA), qui aura lieu lundi et mardi à Charm el-Cheikh, en Égypte.

Le régime a déchaîné les violences contre les partisans de l'opposition, après sa déroute aux élections générales du 29 mars, où il avait perdu le contrôle du Parlement.

Le leader de l'opposition Morgan Tsvangirai, arrivé largement en tête au premier tour de l'élection présidentielle, a dû se retirer de la course en raison d'« une orgie de violences ».

Selon le chef du Mouvement pour le changement démocratique (MDC), 200.000 personnes ont été déplacées, 10 000 blessées et 90 membres du parti d'opposition ont été tués depuis les élections du 29 mars.

Le Parlement panafricain dénonce

La mission d'observateurs du Parlement panafricain (PAP) a dénoncé dimanche un scrutin « ni libre ni équitable ». Cette assemblée consultative de l'Union africaine a appelé à l'organisation de nouvelles élections.

Le chef de la mission du PAP, Marwick Khumalo, estime que « l'environnement politique dans le pays était tendu, hostile et instable [...] et la campagne électorale a été marquée par un degré élevé d'intimidations et de violences, avec des personnes déplacées, des enlèvements et des vies perdues ».

Contrairement au ton tranché du Parlement panafricain, l'Union africaine est restée très prudente. Le sommet de Charm el-Cheikh, appelé par les puissances occidentales à dénier toute légitimité au gouvernement issu du scrutin, est sous pression dimanche.

Morgan Tsvangirai accuse le président sud-africain Thabo Mbeki, médiateur régional au Zimbabwe, de vouloir convaincre ses pairs africains de reconnaître la réélection de M. Mugabe.

M. Mbeki, un proche de Mugabe, s'est gardé de prendre position publiquement sur le scrutin, que les Occidentaux ont qualifié de « farce électorale ».

Tutu pour une intervention militaire

Par ailleurs, le Prix Nobel de la paix Desmond Tutu s'est dit dimanche favorable, en dernier recours, à une intervention militaire au Zimbabwe sous l'égide de l'ONU, pour obtenir le départ du président Robert Mugabe.

Il a indiqué que l'Union africaine devrait jouer un rôle moteur dans une telle action. « Je ne vois pas pourquoi [...] ils [les Africains] hésiteraient trop à intervenir par la force s'il le faut », a-t-il déclaré à la BBC.

Mgr Tutu a invité les dirigeants africains à ne pas reconnaître Robert Mugabe comme un dirigeant légitime.

Nan koze Zimbabwe a, se refleksyon Mandela ki poko delala a mwen ta renmen tande, Winnie Mandela.

Kanta pou Desmond Tutu, misye gen kEk tan depi l ap kite yo sEvi ak li nan enterE enperyalis yo.

Si Zimbabwe rive nan twou li ye la a, se paske Mugabe pou tEt pa li rete tann twO ta anvan li aji pou korije fOs kote sistem kolonyal la te tabli nan peyi a. Mugabe tete lang ak blan Angle kont li, epi lE kabrit fin rantre nan jaden - lE li pa an <pozisyon de fOs> se lE sa a li deside aji. TwO ta bare li.

Men, fOk Afriken yo fE atansyon anpil. Koze fOs Nasyonzini sou baz <responsibility to protect> sa a se pwazon li ye. Je vOlE yo se sou dyaman, PetwOl, LO, Coltran yo brake.

Si ou kwE m manti, al gade detay sou yon VERITAB DIKTATE ki nan yon peyi ki rele TURKMENISTAN, kote yon blan ap dirije peyi a tankou se yon sek relijye. Se sete koze <demokrasi> ipokrit yo t ap defann vre, se la yo ta debake an premye.

TontonnwEl se malatchong tande!

Jaf

Rodlam Sans Malice a écrit:Joel

Vous doutez que ces photos soient vraiment la residence de Mugabe?oui mugabe a lutté pour l'independance de son pays c'est vrai mais cela ne lui autorise pas à violer les droits de ses concitoyens d'elire librement leurs dirigeants.S'il a perdu les elections ;il devrait se courber à la volonté populaire.il ne devrait pas ordonner à ses partisans de massacrer les opposants.

Vous ne pouvez pas comparer la situation au Zimbabwe à celle de la Republique Dominicaine.Qui a obtenu la majorité des bulletins;est-ce Mugabe ou le leader de l'opposition?De quelle majorité s'agit-il au Zimbabwe;est-ce la majorite absolue ou la majorité simple.Les Domincains n'avaient pas voulu un second tour parce que le president avait obtenu plus de voix que le leader de l'opposition bien qu'il n'avait pas obtenu la majorite necessaire pour eviter un second tour.Est-ce la meme situation qui prevaut au Zimbabwe.Nous connaissons tous les resultats de ces elections truquées qui donnent au dictateur la majorite des voix frauduleusement.Si Mugabe avait obtenu plus de voix legalement ;je suis d'accord que l'opposition devrait se courber à la volonte populaire dès lors que la Constitution du pays accorde au President le droit de se succeder sans aucun limite au nombre de mandats.

Non Malis ,
Je ne parle pas des élections de 2000 ou la "société civile" avait persuadé les camps contre la nécessité d'un deuxième tour.
Je veux parler de l'élection de 1994 ou Francisco Pena Gomez avait clairement gagné ces élections et ou Balaguer avait performé des fraudes massives.
Les partisans de Pena Gomez ,chauffé à blanc avaient résolu de rendre la DR ingouvernable mais GOMEZ avait appelé au calme.
Il s'était asssis avec Balaguer et celui ci avait écourté son mandat de deux ans,et ils étaient d'accord pour qu'il y ait de nouvelles élections en 1996.
Ce geste avait couté la présidence à Gomez mais aussi ,il faut remarquer que les élections après 1996 ont toutes été libres et sans grandes fraudes.

Oui,il y en a qui veulent une intervention militaire au Zimbabwe,et puis après.Il y a les vétérans de la guerre de l'Indépendance ,bien qu'ils soient dans leur quarantaine et certains dans leur cinquantaine ,ils sont totalement dévoués à Mugabe.Il était le sorte de commandant en chef ,comme notre Dessalines,qui partageait les risques avec ses hommes sur le champ de bataille.
Vous pensez que ces hommes croiseront les bras devant une intervention étrangère?
Ce n'est pas que j'approuve la conduite de MUGABE,mais comme je l'avais déja dit ,il est ce qu'il est et je pense que l'attitude de THABO MBEKI et maintenant de JACOB ZUMA (le prochain président de l'Afrique du Sud) est la bonne.
L'Afrique du Sud est la clé de la crise du Zimbabwe,et je pense que ces leaders feront de leur mieux pour faciliter (ease) la retraite de MUGABE.
Prenons des examples ,messieurs,combien de vies l'intervention militaire de2004 a t-elle coutée Haiti et pour quels résultats!

RICO ANGNEN,PARDON,RICO1 OU TELMAN KRAS NAN PANSEW ,OU KOKORAT NAN APWOCH OU...SE DOMAJ....

Vol. 71/No. 44 November 26, 2007
London pushes imperialist
campaign vs. Zimbabwe

BY JONATHAN SILBERMAN
LONDON—Prime minister Gordon Brown says the British government will boycott a December summit of the European Union (EU) and the African Union if Zimbabwe’s president, Robert Mugabe, is present. Brown is also urging the EU to strengthen its sanctions against Zimbabwe and calling for an EU envoy to assess “human rights abuses” by the Mugabe government.
Formerly the British colony known as Rhodesia, Zimbabwe won its independence in 1980. Since 2002, London, Washington, and other imperialist centers have targeted Zimbabwe with economic and travel sanctions, allegedly because of the lack of democracy there. In reality, they want to see a regime there that will be pliant to their interests.
In September, the Mugabe government enacted a new “indigenization and economic empowerment” law that calls for foreign owners to hand over 51 percent of their companies to “indigenous” Zimbabweans, including whites “disadvantaged by the colonial system.” This is the latest in a series of measures against wealthy whites and foreign interests taken by the Mugabe regime, which the imperialist powers have seized on in their anti-Mugabe campaign.

Land question
Land reform is desperately needed in Zimbabwe to uproot the legacy of colonial rule. In 2000, Mugabe ordered the seizure of land owned by several thousand wealthy white farmers who dominated agriculture while 6 million Black farmers were landless.
But the land grab was bureaucratic. Much of the land was handed over to officials and supporters of the ruling party, the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF).
Concerning the new “indigenization” law, government minister Paul Mangwana said it “is about the total liberation of Zimbabwe.” Such official demagogy is designed to deflect opposition to the government’s responsibility for the spiraling collapse of the economy. On occasion it’s combined with antiwhite rhetoric. Mugabe told a ZANU-PF conference in 2000, “Our party must continue to strike fear in the hearts of the white man, our real enemy.”
Since 1999, Zimbabwe’s gross domestic product has contracted by one-third. Gold production plummeted by 44 percent from 1996 to 2006. The annual inflation rate has been running at more than 1,000 percent and more than half the working population is unemployed. According to United Nations statistics, life expectancy is 34 years for women and 37 for men.
The agricultural ministry says that the wheat harvest is one-third of what is required and the World Food Programme estimates that some 3 million people will need food aid in the coming months. During protests against food price rises in 1998, government forces killed eight workers and arrested 2,300.
This year, leaders of the opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), were arrested and beaten by the police. MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai supports the sanctions against Zimbabwe and has the backing of some imperialist governments.
Mugabe’s foreign policy has sometimes come into conflict with British imperialism’s goals in Africa. For example, London opposed Zimbabwe’s military intervention in the Congo war. At one point, Harare deployed 10,000 troops aimed at propping up the Laurent Kabila government.
Zimbabwe was also key to the detention of a group of British businessmen and mercenaries, with connections to ruling-class figures in the United Kingdom, who were involved in an attempted coup against the government of oil-rich Equatorial Guinea.

Foreign investment down
Foreign investment in Zimbabwe tumbled to $5 million in 2001, down from $436 million three years earlier. Mugabe turned to China in what is officially known as the “Look East” policy. Trade with China surged to $280 million in the first eight months of 2006, although it has slowed somewhat since. China is today Zimbabwe’s biggest overseas investor.
Concern over China’s growing presence in Africa is a factor in the EU’s African Union summit in December. The EU is split by the British government’s proposal to boycott the meeting if Mugabe attends. The Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, Sweden, and the Netherlands have voiced support for the boycott; Germany and Portugal are against it.
The presidents of South Africa and Zambia have said that they will not attend the summit if Mugabe is excluded.


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WSWS : News & Analysis : Africa
Zimbabwe: Mugabe government responds to mass opposition with repression


By Ann Talbot
11 April 2008


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President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe has launched a wave of repression in a bid to cling to power in the face of mass opposition in the towns and countryside. The move follows the defeat of the ruling ZANU-PF party in the parliamentary elections and Mugabe’s failure to win an overall majority in the presidential election.
Soldiers wearing face masks are said to have beaten up civilians in the town of Gweru. They accused their victims of not “voting correctly.”
Some 60 white farmers and at least two black farmers are said to have been evicted from their land. Seven officials of the Zimbabwean Electoral Commission, which was responsible for counting the votes, have been arrested. They are to be charged with rigging the election in favour of the opposition. Four foreign journalists have been arrested, including New York Times correspondent Barry Bearak.
A serving officer in the Zimbabwean military has released the names of 200 high-ranking officers who are said to be leading gangs of thugs in the guise of war veterans in attacks on government opponents. Unemployed youths are reportedly being recruited to join government-backed gangs.
Accounts are only slowly emerging from rural areas where the mobile phone network does not reach. Gangs are said to be hunting down opponents of the regime, burning houses and beating people. Tendai Biti, secretary general of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), was reported as saying that there had been “massive violence in the country” since the election.
The rigging of elections and the intimidation of voters has become standard practice for the regime. Mugabe has adopted similar tactics every time his hold on power has been threatened.
In the 2002 presidential elections opposition supporters were abducted, beaten and murdered. Criticizing the president was made a criminal offence. Electoral rolls were padded with fake voters and new rules were introduced to make the registration of urban voters more difficult. Local journalists were abducted and killed. Government food aid to drought-stricken areas was used as a means of buying votes.
In May 2005, the government demolished shanty towns in “Operation Murambatsvina,” which means “clear out the trash” in Shona. Residents were loaded onto trucks and driven into the countryside where they were dumped without any means of livelihood or even basic sanitation.
An estimated 700,000 people, or six percent of the population, were displaced in this operation. In total, 2.4 million people were affected directly or indirectly. It was an attempt to crush opposition among the urban working class. When the white farms were occupied, the rural workers they employed were treated with similar brutality.
At each point in this process, Mugabe has stepped up his anti-imperialist rhetoric in an attempt to rally support. Last weekend he declared, “The land is ours, it must not be allowed to slip back into the hands of the whites.”
Mugabe presents himself as the liberator of his country, but his record tells another story. He was brought to power in 1980 with the backing of Britain and the United States, who saw in Mugabe their best hope of suppressing the working class and peasantry.
The then-British colony of Rhodesia had unilaterally declared independence in 1965 under a white racist regime, which refused to grant even the most modest political rights to the majority of the population. An insurgency developed, leading US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger to fear that the impasse in Rhodesia would allow the Soviet Union to gain ground in southern Africa and threaten strategic American interests. He put pressure on Britain to reach an accord.
The Lancaster House agreement was the result. The Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher would have preferred Bishop Muzorewa to come to power, but his conciliatory attitude to the white regime led to his being routed in the British-supervised elections.
Mugabe topped the poll and proved that he was the only man who had a chance of ruling an increasingly radicalized population. His Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) proclaimed itself Maoist and pro-Chinese, and sought support primarily in the rural areas.
It had the advantage as far as the US was concerned of being opposed to the pro-Soviet Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) of Joshua Nkomo, from which Mugabe himself split in 1963 to join ZANU.The Western powers feared Soviet influence in Africa more than they did Chinese influence.
Washington and London got what they wanted. The new state of Zimbabwe did not become a Soviet client. Mugabe preserved capitalism and safeguarded all major imperialist investments. He did not expropriate the white farmers, but offered compensation to those who wanted to emigrate with money provided by the US and Britain. Most remained secure in the enjoyment of their possessions and privileged life style. In fact, more settlers arrived after independence. Tobacco exports continued and it was business as usual for the mining companies.
Mugabe routinely speaks of his “revolution,” but in reality the institutions of the Rhodesian state were largely preserved and adopted by the new regime. Peter Walls, the head of the armed forces, remained in office as did Ken Flowers, head of the Rhodesian intelligence services. Peasants who tried to occupy land were driven off by the security forces and Mugabe was dubbed “Good old Bob” by his former opponents.

Mugabe’s methods were as brutal then as they are now. The only difference is that Britain and the US did not object to his attacks on ZAPU.
Nkomo’s social base was mostly among the Matabele. In 1982, Mugabe launched “Operation Gukurahundi”—sweep away the chaff—in Matabeleland. There were beatings, murders, arson, rapes and public executions. Famine relief was blocked.
An estimated 20,000 civilians died before Mugabe declared an amnesty in 1987, which led up to the merger of the two parties to form ZANU-PF (Popular Front-the previous electoral name for ZAPU.)
Mugabe’s anti-imperialist rhetoric was feverish as he dealt with the internal opposition to his regime. But the white farmers had nothing to fear. Land reform proceeded at a glacial pace. By 1998, only 70,000 families had been resettled. Most of them received poor-quality, drought-prone land. White farmers continued to own 40 percent of the land and two thirds of the best agricultural land.
Mugabe’s regime has presided over massive inequality in Zimbabwe since it came to power. A new ruling elite emerged under his patronage, like millionaire businessman Philip Chiyangwa, who boasted, “I am rich because I belong to ZANU-PF.”
While the new ruling elite enjoyed private health care and private education for their children, the former fighters were left destitute. Government ministers even looted funds set aside for the compensation of war victims.
Threat of land reform remained a useful tool to win support among his increasingly disillusioned supporters and to gain concessions from the US and Britain. Mugabe remained valuable to them, particularly as long as the Soviet Union was in existence. His regime was a vital part of their Cold War strategy in Africa.
Mugabe was given favourable treatment by donors and lenders as Britain and the US tried to establish his regime as a bulwark of capitalism in southern Africa. Thus, while other African regimes came under pressure during the 1980s to cut social spending, Zimbabwe was able to develop a relatively high standard of public health care and education.
The liquidation of the Soviet Union in 1991 brought this period to an end.
In response, Mugabe willingly adopted an International Monetary Fund (IMF) Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) that involved enormous attacks on the working class and rural poor. Spending on public health care and education was cut. The rural poor were driven further into poverty while huge tax breaks were offered to the commercial farmers. By 1999, two thirds of the population were living on less than $2 a day and Mugabe had begun to speak of “pragmatic socialism” and “indigenous capitalism.”

Opposition to the ZANU-PF regime mounted. In 1997 there was a massive strike wave that included Zimbabwe’s first general strike for half a century.
Faced with rising prices, higher taxation, mounting unemployment and falling living standards, workers came out against the government. In 1999, the Zimbabwe Confederation of Trade Unions (ZCTU) responded to the unrest by forming a new party—the MDC—under the leadership of former ZCTU general secretary Morgan Tsvangirai.
The MDC and the ZCTU did not oppose the IMF measures that were driving their members into poverty, but instead argued for a more effective implementation of the programme. They won the backing of white farmers in the Commercial Farmers Union and of businessmen in Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe’s export earnings fell because the price of the commodities it depended on were driven down. The government had to go ever deeper into debt, and the IMF made the conditions of its loans even more stringent.
Mugabe came into conflict with the IMF only when it became clear that its demands would undermine the basis of the ZANU-PF regime. As long as the IMF measures only hit the mass of the population, Mugabe was prepared to implement them. But if he could not pay his army or reward his supporters, he knew that his days in the presidential palace were numbered.
As the US and UK became ever more dissatisfied with Mugabe, they imposed sanctions that worsened the already appalling situation facing Zimbabweans. The Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act passed by the US passed in 2001 turned off the credit tap to Zimbabwe and effectively excluded the country from functioning on the world market. As a result, the government has often no hard currency to pay for a shipment of wheat to put bread on the supermarket shelves. But the ruling elite have continued to live in luxury.
London and Washington increasingly looked to the MDC and provided the new party with funding and advice. Tsvangirai assured his foreign backers in 2000 that “We would privatise and restore business confidence in Zimbabwe.”
The MDC is a party that has nothing to offer the mass of the population in Zimbabwe except more suffering. But it has benefited electorally from the growing opposition to Mugabe.
The most public targets of the government’s repression are the local activists of the MDC. But the regime’s fundamental objective is to terrorize the working class and rural poor and prevent any independent class opposition emerging.
At no point has the MDC attempted to mobilize mass opposition to the regime. Like all the ruling elites in Africa, the leaders of the MDC fear the independent strength of working class because it threatens their privileged lifestyle. They share that class outlook with Mugabe’s cronies.
Tsvangirai is even now attempting to cut deals with factions of ZANU-PF that have become dissatisfied with Mugabe. If he came to power, his attitude to working people would be essentially the same as that of Mugabe.
Social conditions have been destroyed over the past two decades. Inflation is officially running at 165,000 percent, but the Financial Times puts the actual rate at 400,000 percent. Even the 20 percent of people still in work find their wages eroded on a daily basis.
In addition, Zimbabwe has one of the highest rates on HIV/AIDS infection in the world. A quarter of the population are thought to be HIV positive. The epidemic, coupled with malnutrition, has reduced the life expectancy to 34 years for women and 37 for men, one of the lowest in the world. Many elderly grandparents are caring for children orphaned by AIDS-related diseases.
Inflation, sanctions and the loss of a generation of workers to disease have sent the economy into free-fall. Formerly one of Africa’s main grain exporters, Zimbabwe has become dependent on food aid.
An estimated quarter of the population—three million—has fled the country. The latest round of government repression and the complicity of the MDC have sent more people across the border into South Africa, where they are forced to eke out a living in the informal economy. Recently, 1,500 Zimbabweans are reported to have crossed Beit Bridge in one day alone.
Even so, the working class has again and again shown its readiness to fight. There has been a wave of strikes since 2007 involving broad layers of the working class. This year alone, doctors and nurses, civil servants and council workers have all taken strike action. Teachers went on strike just before the election to demand an increase in their Z$500 million a month pay—the equivalent of just $10. Hospital staff only returned to work because they feared for their patients.
It is not a matter of workers choosing between Mugabe and Tsvangirai, between the MDC and ZANU-PF. Both represent class forces whose interests are antithetical to those of the working class.
The 28 years of Mugabe’s rule in Zimbabwe and that of other bourgeois national movements throughout Africa are a vindication of Trotsky’s theory of Permanent Revolution, which insists that the national bourgeoisie in the oppressed nations can have no genuine independence from the imperialist powers, the transnational corporations and major banks.
The African bourgeoisie conceived of national independence from the standpoint of securing its own right to exploit the working class. The need to win influence over the workers and oppressed masses required for a time that it dress up this perspective in socialist clothing—a task made easier by backing from the Soviet Union in furtherance of the Kremlin’s geo-political interests.
But the post-colonial regimes in Africa remained dependent on world markets dominated by the imperialist powers. They have all functioned historically—and do so ever more nakedly—as mechanisms through which the economic exploitation and political suppression of the working class on behalf of the corporations and banks have been imposed.
Precisely because the impoverishment of Africa is rooted in its position within the global capitalist economy, it can be ended only through the reorganisation of the world economy to meet the needs of the world’s people. The economic and democratic development of the African continent could not take place based on the setting up of nominally independent states based on capitalist foundations, but only through the overthrow of capitalism by the working class, leading behind it the oppressed rural masses. This struggle cannot be completed on the foundations of a single nation, or even on a continent-wide basis, but demands the victory of the working class in the struggle for socialism in the imperialist centres.
The only way out of the terrible impasse for the Zimbabwean and African masses is the organization of the working class in its own party, uniting its struggles with those of workers the world over on the basis of an international socialist perspective.
See Also:
Election standoff in Zimbabwe: The threat of imperialist intervention
[5 April 2008]
Talks on power handover continue after Zimbabwe elections
[2 April 2008]
An exchange on sanctions against Zimbabwe
[22 October 2007]

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